Manuel Kordova-Rios - Manuel Córdova-Rios
Manuel Kordova-Rios (1887 yil 22 noyabr - 1978 yil 22 noyabr) a vegetalista (o'simlik shifokori ) ning yuqori Amazon va bir nechta mashhur kitoblarning mavzusi.
Yosh sifatida metizo ning Ikitos u atrofdagi Amazon o'rmonida lager qurish va rezina daraxtlarni kesish uchun kompaniyaga qo'shildi. U o'sha paytda mahalliy qabilalar tomonidan asirga olingan va ular orasida etti yil yashagan. Keksa boshliq unga intensiv shaxsiy mashg'ulotlarda an'anaviy bilimlarni o'rgatdi, masalan dorivor o'simliklar o'rmon va etakchilik usullari haqida. Kichik qabiladan u o'rmonda ov qilish mahoratini o'rgandi va bu nomga ega bo'ldi Ino Moxo (qora yaguar). Boshliq shuningdek, ta'sirida tungi guruh mashg'ulotlarini olib bordi ayaxuaska ovda jasoratni keskinlashtirish. Boshliq o'lganidan so'ng, Kordova bir necha yillar davomida qabilaning etakchisi sifatida tan olingan.
Keyin u Peru hayotiga qaytdi, turmushga chiqdi va oilasini ko'tardi. Oxir-oqibat u yuqori Amazonda a kurandero (tabib), boshliqning o'simlik ta'limotidan foydalangan holda. Shuningdek, u muntazam ravishda dorivor o'simliklarni Nyu-Yorkka yuborgan.
1960-yillarning boshlarida u amerikalik o'rmonchi, Bryus Lamb (1913-1993), Amazonda ko'p yillik faxriysi bilan uchrashdi. Qo'zi keyin Kordovaning hayotiy hikoyasini yozdi Yuqori Amazon ustasi (1971) va uning davolovchi san'ati haqida Rio Tigre va undan tashqarida (1985). Ikkala kitob ham yaxshi sotildi va akademik qiziqish, maqtov va ba'zi tortishuvlarga sabab bo'ldi. Keyinchalik Perulik shoir-romanchi va amerikalik shoir Kordovaga bag'ishlangan asarlarini nashr etdi.
Dastlabki yillar
Amazon yoshlari va kaucho
O'n ikki yoshigacha Manuel Kordova-Rios maktablarda o'qigan Ikitos uning tug'ilgan joyi. Peru shahridagi yirik shahar Amazon, keyin 40 mingga yaqin aholisi bor edi. Uning Uru onasi keldi Moyobamba, Iquitos shahrining g'arbiy qismida joylashgan shahar And orasidagi tog 'etaklari Rio Maranon va Rio Xuallaga. Uning otasi atrofdagi o'rmonda tapper bo'lib ishlagan (ispancha: kaxero; Portugalcha: seringeyros) yoki yovvoyi rezina daraxtlarini kesuvchi. Uning kelib chiqishi yaqin edi Arekipa (janubdan ancha uzoq bo'lgan viloyat markazi).[1][2][3][4]
Amazonning kauchuk savdosi (Sp: kaucho) yaqinda Braziliyadan Ikitosga ko'tarilgan edi. Oxir oqibat onasi uni katta singlisi Mariana va uning eri Lino Vela bilan birga rivojlanib kelayotgan kauchuk biznesini o'rganish uchun orqa tomonga qo'yib yubordi. Iberia shahridagi kichik shaharchada Río Tapiche er-xotinning savdo shoxobchasi sotish uchun, shuningdek, asbob-uskuna va jihozlarni sotib olish uchun o'zlarining lateks hosilini olib keladigan rezina tapperlarga xizmat qildi. Ko'p o'tmay, yosh Manuel buta ichiga kirib, yana to'rt kishilik kompaniya bilan Roke ostida, uzoqdagi vaqtinchalik kaucho lageriga Rio Jurua Peru-Braziliya chegarasi yaqinida. Bu erdan ular yovvoyi tabiatni qidirib topilmaydigan o'rmonga muxlislik qilishlari mumkin edi rezina daraxtlar.[5][6]
O'rmon qabilasi tomonidan qo'lga olingan
Ovqat pishirish va qarorgohni tozalash Navoiyga kelgan kun, u yolg'iz edi, boshqalari esa rezina qidirishdi. O'rmon tub aholisi (taxminan 15 kishi) mohirona ko'rinishidan to'satdan hayratga tushgan Manuel tezda qo'lga olindi va yaqin atrofdagi qurollar olib tashlandi. U qo'llarini bog'lab, jimgina qabila partiyasi bilan bir qatorda tezlashtirilgan tezlikda, bir necha kun va tun davomida janub tomon o'rmon bo'ylab yugurib borishi kerak edi. Charchagan va yo'nalishi buzilgan, u o'z do'sti deb taxmin qildi kakero o'ldirilgan; keyinchalik u qurolini olib qochganlarni payqadi. Taxminan to'qqiz kun piyoda yurganlaridan so'ng, ular o'rmonlarni tozalashda (chaqirilgan) kichik bir qishloqqa etib kelishdi Xanada u keyinchalik bilib oldi) Peru boshiga yaqin joyda joylashgan Rio Purus. Taxminan 250 km. dan kaucho lager.[7][8] Qariya boshliq u bilan salomlashdi va unga mehribonlik bildirdi. Uning ismi Xumu Nava edi. Manuel tabiiy ravishda qo'rqqan edi. Oxir-oqibat qishloq uni qabul qildi va Manuel asta-sekin yangi holati bilan yarashishni boshladi; marosimlar o'tkazildi. Qishloq bolalari beparvo va do'stona bo'lib qolishdi va boshliq unga qabila tilini o'rgatishni boshladi.[9][10][11][12][13]
Hayot Xuni Kui qishloq
Yosh Manuel Kordova-Rios bo'lib, tuzatishlardan so'ng tezda qabilaviy yo'llarga o'tdi Xuni Kui ["haqiqiy odamlar" yoki "haqiqiy, haqiqiy odamlar", shuningdek "tanlangan odamlar"].[14][15] Ko'rinib turgan farq shundaki, bu Xuni Kui aksariyat hollarda yalang'och edi. Ularning uyi tropik edi yomg'ir o'rmoni, buni Kordova faqat Peru nuqtai nazaridan bilgan. U ularning tilini va ov uslublarini o'rgangan, etishtirilgan sabzavot, yovvoyi mevalar va ov go'shti parhezini iste'mol qilgan, ularning qishloq hayotida yashagan va kiyimsiz yurgan. Dastlabki qo'lga olish natijasida etkazilgan zarar tufayli u suv ostida qolgan, ammo hal qilinmagan to'qnashuvni ichkarida saqlab qoldi.[13][16][17][18] Bosh Xumu Manuel Kordova-Riosga qabilaga oid an'anaviy an'anaviy bilimlarni o'rgatdi, bu Manuelning butun hayotini boyitadigan qimmatli darslarni tashkil etdi. Bu erda Xumu Navani a deb ta'riflash mumkin shaman, yoki a sifatida kuraka, yuqori Amazon qabilalari orasida ishlatiladigan rahbarlar uchun unvon.[19][20]
Ayaxuaska va ov
Erkaklarning asosiy mashg'uloti ov qilish edi, bu esa uning katta qismini ta'minlagan Xuni Kui parhez. Keksa keksaygan boshliq vaqti-vaqti bilan ovchilarni yolg'iz va ularning ovchilik mahoratini yangilash va takomillashtirish uchun hisoblangan guruh mashg'ulotlarida olib boradi. Odatda tayyorgarlik, masalan, ichaklarni tozalash, keyin faqat tanlangan ovqatlarni qabul qilish va jinsiy aloqada bo'lish kerak edi. Qishloqdan uzoqda joylashgan tusli yashil ichimlik asosan uzumzordan tayyorlangan ayaxuaska [HK: nixi honi] va chakruna sekin olovda sekin qaynatilgan barglar. U kichik xurmo yong'og'i kosalariga quyilib, olovni o'rab turgan ovchilarga berildi. Boshqalar muloyimlik bilan hamrohligida boshliq o'ziga xos ashulalarini kuylay boshladi. O'zining xohishiga ko'ra u qo'shiqlarni yig'ilish atmosferasini o'zgartirish yoki guruhning tezligini o'zgartirish uchun ishlatar edi.[21][22]
Keyin qabila ovchilari birgalikda ko'rish tajribasi deb ta'riflanadigan narsaga kirishdilar. Organik tasvirlar va dizaynlarning dastlabki xaotik oqimidan so'ng, blyuz va ko'katlardagi arabesklar, kollektiv xayolot paydo bo'ldi, unda qushlar va hayvonlarning "parad" guruhi ongiga kira boshladi. Boshliqning ko'rsatmasiga binoan ovchilar qo'shiqni ishlatishga imkon beradigan qo'shiqni o'zgartiradilar (icaro ) o'rmon jonzotlarining har biri bilan bog'liq bo'lib, ularning oldidan o'tayotganda. Ko'rinib turibdiki, guruh o'zlarining tasavvurlarini muvofiqlashtirish uchun ushbu usulni rivojlantirdilar, shunda ular birgalikda o'rmon hayotining o'xshash manzarasini tasavvur qilishlari mumkin edi. Shunga ko'ra, yovvoyi jonzotlarning guruh guvohligini birin-ketin kuzatib, har bir qabila a'zosi bunday hayvon yoki qushning instinktiv tabiatini, ovchilarning yashirinligi va usullarini, bularning barchasi bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan narsalarni yaxshiroq anglay olishdi. har bir ongning ko'zida sinchkovlik bilan tekshirilgan va nozik baholangan. Keyinchalik bunday ov sahnalarining bir nechtasi, keyinchalik mashg'ulotdan keyin aytilgan puxta hikoyalarda qayta ko'rib chiqilgan, keyin ehtiyotkorlik bilan o'zlashtirilishi mumkin. Tabiiyki, har bir ovchiga o'z mahoratini oshirish uchun mashq qilish, tabiiyki, o'z nishoniga tegib turgan o'qlarni otish yoki uning intuitiv intizomini o'zgartirish.[23][24][25][26][27]
Bu ayaxuaska Bu qabilaning ovchilari uchun vaqti-vaqti bilan takrorlanadigan tajriba yosh tashabbuskor Manuel Kordovani hayratga solib, sehrlab qo'ydi. Ushbu jarayon orqali Xuni Kui qabilaning ovchilik mahoratini keskinlashtirish va yangilash uchun erkaklar birgalikda ishladilar. Keyinchalik, ovchilar kichik guruhlarga bo'linib, o'rmonning yovvoyi o'yinini topish va sumkalash va shu bilan har bir oilaning tirik qolish qobiliyatini oshirish uchun yangi rivojlangan qobiliyatini sinovdan o'tkazdilar. Ushbu ovlarning birida Nixi va Txaxo Manuelga yovvoyi cho'chqalarni qanday ta'qib qilishni aytdilar va katta guruhni ta'qib qilib, o'qlarni bir necha tezkor nishonlarni pastga tushirishdi. Nixi va Txaxo qo'shimcha ravishda o'rmon cho'chqalarining yurish odatlarini tasvirlab berishdi.[28][29]
Ovchilar, shuningdek, taniqli qabila qabilalarini bir-birlariga tilovat qilish an'analarini saqlab qolishgan afsonalar osilganlar, shuningdek shaxsiy hikoyalar. Kordova tez-tez yig'ilishlarda, masalan, sovuq, yomg'irli kechada kamonli uy ichida yoki kamsitilgan mavsumda mo''tadil kechalarda qishloqni tozalash paytida aytilgan bunday voqealarni eshitgan. Ularning har birida bir nechta sevimlilar bor edi. Peru yoshlari turli xil o'rmon ovchilari o'zlarining ertaklarini aylantirganda ko'zlarini katta-katta tinglashdi: Avava Xuko ("[eng katta] Toukan ") o'rtasidagi qisqa jang haqida gapirdi yaguar va chumolilar; Natakoa ("O'rmon odami") a harpy burgut qo'lga olish a mayli maymun; va bosh Xumu Nava, sobiq bosh Avava Toto bilan birga bo'lgan yoshlarida, ulg'aygan maymunlarning maxsus guruhini qanday kuzatib borganliklari haqida hikoya qildilar.[30][31]
Xuni Kui urf-odatlar
Ov hikoyalaridan tashqari, Kordova afsonaviy sahnalar va afsonaviy raqamlar va keyinchalik u guvoh bo'lgan ijtimoiy marosimlar haqida suhbatlashing. Qabilaviy bo'lganlar kelib chiqishi ning Xuni Kui odamlar hayvonlar bilan gaplasha oladigan davrda va qanday qilib odamlar hozirgi kabi o'lmaganligi, aksincha "Keksalar o'g'il bolalarga, keksa ayollar qizlarga aylangani" haqida. Bu qabila yo'qolishidan oldin edi o'lmaslik. Bir rivoyatda xotinni o'g'irlash bilan boshlangan birinchi urush tasvirlangan; bosh Xumu buni qabilaning tijorat "rezina to'sarlari" (Sp: "kaucheros") bosqinidan kelib chiqqan so'nggi baxtsizliklari bilan bog'lagan. Boshqa hikoya nomaqbul foydalangan Makari ismli odam tomonidan sodir etilgan salbiy xatti-harakatlar haqida gapirib berdi ayaxuaska.[32][33]
O'smir Navatoto (HK: "Hawk"), Natakoa va uning rafiqasi Yavaninining o'g'li, yaxshi ovchiga aylangan va ota-onasi tomonidan uylanishga tayyor deb hisoblangan, keyinroq bu katta oqsoqol Shumu (Xumu Nava) va bir guruh keksa erkaklar tomonidan tasdiqlangan. ayollar. Ning boshqa segmentidan Xuni Kui Irikina ismli qiz tanlandi va ikki oila rozi bo'ldi. Keyinchalik qisqa nikoh marosimi bo'lib o'tdi, so'ngra buyuk ziyofat, raqs va ichkilikni o'z ichiga olgan katta qabila bayrami. Birinchi bola tug'ilgandan so'ng, er o'z ov hududini va xotin qishloq bog'ida o'z uchastkasini oldi.[34][35]
Ayaxuaska ilmi va icaros
Shaxsiy ko'rsatma bilan, oqsoqol boshlig'i Xumu Manuel Kordovani "ko'rish uzumining ekstrakti bilan bir qator ajoyib mashg'ulotlardan foydalanib," nixi honi xuma"(ya'ni, ayaxuaska). Idiom Xuni Kui ning bir qismi bo'lgan Amaxuaka lahjasi Pano tillari.[37] So'z ayaxuaska bu Kechua uchun: aya "ruh", "ajdod" yoki "o'lgan odam" ma'nosini anglatadi; va Huasca "tok" degan ma'noni anglatadi.[38] Xumu Kordovaga qabilaning hayotiy ko'nikmalarini va urf-odatlaridan foydalangan ayaxuaska, boshliqning o'rmon o'simliklari haqidagi ajoyib bilimlaridan tashqari. Ushbu kirish davrida har sakkiz kunda bir oy davomida shaxsiy o'quv mashg'ulotlari o'tkazildi, so'ngra bir oylik ta'til o'tkazildi. Mashg'ulotlar davomida yana Manueldan qat'iy diet rejimiga rioya qilish talab qilindi. Mashg'ulotlar bir necha oy davom etar ekan, Manuel "asabiylasha boshladi, chalg'itdi va aqldan ozishdan qo'rqadi", ammo boshliq va uning kichik yoshdagi ayollar guruhi uning qo'rquvini susaytirdilar. Ushbu mashg'ulotlar, ayniqsa tanlangan va ta'minlangan o'rmonning tanho joyida o'tkazildi.[39][40]
Boshliq pivo tayyorlashni yaqindan kuzatib bordi ayaxuaska uzum va ularning muhim aralashmasi chakruna barglar. Muayyan turi chakruna bosh Xumu tomonidan ishlatilgan, Psixotri viridis, keyinchalik Kordova tomonidan ma'qullandi. Asosan ayaxuaska, ammo bu ikkala o'simlik yoki ularning kombinatsiyasi ham deyiladi yagé, boshqa ismlar qatorida.[41][42][43][44] Kordova hurmat bilan pul yig'ish uchun qanday ehtiyot bo'lish kerakligini bilib oldi ayaxuaska tok (bilak diametri atrofida) va chakruna o'simliklar, so'ngra bu ingredientlarni maydalash, aralashtirish va pishirish. Xumning boshida qabilaning mutaxassisi Nixi Xuma Vakiga ("Uzum uzumining yaratuvchisi") unga qanday qilib ko'rsatma berishni topshirgan edi.[45][46][47] Keyinchalik ushbu dorilarni tibbiy tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatdiki, ayaxuaska va chakruna pivo asosan ikkinchisi tomonidan ishlab chiqariladi, birinchisi bu erda xayoliy ravshanlikni beradi va kuchaytiradi. Shuning uchun ishlab chiqarilgan g'ayrioddiy tajriba "natijasi a sinergetik ikki xil o'simliklarda mavjud bo'lgan kimyoviy moddalar mexanizmi, murakkab misol farmatsevtika amerikalik shamanlarni bilish. "[48][49]
"Qadimgi odamlarning ba'zi telepatik kodlari orqali" birlashtirilgan o'rmon o'rmonida yolg'iz qolganida, Kordova Xumuni qabilaviy bilimlarni uzatayotganini his qildi. U "ajdodlari o'rmonda yashovchi ko'plab avlodlarning donoligini, noma'lum manbadan biologik donolikni topib" olgan.[50] Keksa boshliq yosh Manuelga o'z tasavvurini ishlatishda murabbiylik qildi, uni idrokini yaxshilash uchun boshqarib, uning foydaliligini anglashi uchun unga rahbarlik qildi. O'simliklar ko'rsatildi va aniqlandi, so'ngra ingl. Ularning sog'liq uchun foydalari va ayniqsa ularning foydalari shifobaxsh xususiyatlari muhokama qilindi; turli xil o'simliklar o'ziga xos kasalliklar va ularning alomatlari bilan bog'liq bo'lib, o'simlik tayyorlash qobiliyatiga ega edi tashxis. O'simliklarga boshliq o'zining chaqiriqlarini kuyladi (chaqirdi) icaros ) va ko'pchilikni Kordovaga mazmuni va shifobaxsh ta'siri bilan birga o'rgatgan. Keyinchalik Kordova kurandero sifatida o'z ishida birinchi navbatda icaros unga Xumu tomonidan o'rgatilgan. Kordova, shuningdek, o'simliklarni tinglashni, ayniqsa, tinglashni ham o'rgandi ayaxuaska.[51][52][53][54][55][56][57]
"Perulik shamanlar metizosiga nisbatan ayaxuaska o'simlik, boshqa ko'zga ko'ringan o'simliklar singari, o'zi ham g'ayritabiiy ohanglarni o'rganadigan yoki boshqa narsalar qatori shamandirning ustozidir. icaros o'simlikdan. "[58] Turli xil maxsus funktsional foydalanish icaros "shamanning ehtiyojlari kabi xilma-xil".[59] Kalit ayaxuaska ashulalar va qo'shiqlar "ichki qarashning ketma-ketligi va mazmunini chayqab yuboradi", deb ta'kidlagan Kordova, shuningdek, "bu kuch bir vaqtlar qo'lga kiritgan bo'lsa ham, ta'sirida nozik bo'lsa ham, osonlikcha yo'q bo'lib ketmaydi" deb ta'kidladi.[60] " icaros shamanik kuchning kvintessentsiyasini tashkil etadi. "[61]
Harbiy harakatlar va o'qotar qurollar
Dushmancha "qabilaviy ov hududiga tajovuz qilish" alomatlari sezildi. Qidiruv guruhi "qishlog'imizdan uch kun narida" "ikkita uydan iborat kichik lager" ni topdi. Bosh Xumu oila boshliqlariga ularning dushmanlarga qarshi o'tmishdagi kurashlari haqida gapirib berdi. 25 kishidan iborat partiya tomonidan reydga tayyorgarlik ko'rildi. Ayollar jangchilarning yuzlari va tanalarini mayin chizilgan naqshlarda ko'k-qora dog 'bilan bo'yashdi. Uchrashuvda qabila urush qilish uchun qasam ichdi, suyuq tamaki aralashmasini barmoq bilan tatib ko'rdi. Bosqinchi tomon, shu jumladan Manuel, foydalangan qush chaqiradi ular dushman qarorgohiga yaqinlashganda va skautlari dushman qarovchilarini o'ldirishdi. Ammo ular lagerga kirganlarida, u hech kimsiz edi. Qachon Xuni Kui jangchilar uyga qishloqqa qaytib kelishdi, g'alaba bayrami keyin.[63][64]
Oxir oqibat Manuel Kordova bu haqda bilib oldi Huni Kuiniki o'tmishdagi to'qnashuvlar va janglar, shu jumladan bir nechta dushman qabilalarining nomlari. Ba'zi o'rmon qo'shnilari o'qotar qurollarni ushlab qolishgan va bu ularga qarshi urushda o'limga olib keladigan ustunlik bergan Xuni Kui. Ammo, eng muhimi, mag'lubiyat edi Xuni Kui braziliyalik tomonidan kakero miltiq bilan qurollangan bo'lib, natijada odamlarning o'limi, asirlarning yo'qolishi va qabila hududining yo'qolishi qabilaning ko'chib ketishiga sabab bo'ldi. Keyinchalik Manuel Manuel boshliqning uni o'g'irlashning asosiy sababi deb ta'riflaganini eshitdi kaucho lager: qandaydir tarzda olish qurol uchun Xuni Kui.[65][66][67][68]
Kauchuk savdosi
Qadimgi qabila boshlig'i Xumu tomonidan qat'iyan ilhomlanib, 17 yoshli Manuel to'satdan Xuni Kui o'rmonda rezina daraxtlarni qidirib topib, "sharbat" yig'ish uchun ularni kesib tashlashi va shu bilan qimmatbaho savdo molini olishlari mumkin edi: lateks (Ispaniya: kaucho). Uning yordami bilan qabila kauchukni daryoning savdo punktida sotishi va undan tushgan mablag 'bilan qurol va asboblarni sotib olishi mumkin edi. Uning taklifi tufayli Manuel o'zini "hayotga yangi mazmun" beradigan va uni "ich-ichidan katta hayajonga solgan" qabiladagi o'z kelajagi ustidan qandaydir nazoratni qo'lga kiritganini his qildi. Dastlab Manuel ishlagan Xuni Kui ovchilar rezina daraxtlarda ishlatish uchun zerikarli metall va tosh qurollarni charxlash uchun. Manuel o'z qabilasiga qanday qilib o'rgatgan. Bir necha hafta o'tgach, har birining vazni 20 kilogrammdan ortiq bo'lgan 20 ta qattiq bo'lakka aylantirilgan katta lateks zaxirasi to'plandi.[70][71][72]
Xumu kauchukni savdoga olib borish uchun qabila partiyasini tanladi, odam boshiga bitta bo'lak. Keyin ular o'zlarining qabila erlari chegaralariga piyoda va (Manuel o'ylaganidek) shimoliy-sharqqa qarab harakatlanadigan "izsiz o'rmon" orqali borishdi. Oxir oqibat ular kauchuk savdosi uchun "post" ga yaqin joyda to'xtashdi Rio Purus Braziliyada, faqat Peru chegarasi bo'ylab. U erda Kordova ko'p yillar davomida birinchi marta g'arbiy kiyimlarni kiyib oldi (yarashmagan, unga boshliq bergan) va lateks bo'laklari bilan to'ldirilgan qo'lda yasalgan uchta logli salda daryo "biznes idorasi" ga yolg'iz o'zi sayr qildi. Hindistonliklarga qonun bilan qurol sotib olish taqiqlangan edi. Kordoba menejerning qiziquvchan savollaridan qochib, Rodrigesga yig'ilgan kauchukni ketadigan narxga sotdi, bu esa etarli emas edi. U oltita miltiq qutisini, ikkita miltiqni, o'q-dorilarni, shuningdek boshqa mollarni (bolta, machetes, nometall va munchoqlar) sotib olib, qolgan kredit qoldig'ini hisobga oldi. Kordova taqvimni ko'rdi: 1910 yil 15 iyun; u qo'lga olinganiga ikki yarim yil bo'lgan edi. Partiya qishloqqa qaytib kelgach, butun qabila o'zining eng buyuk uslubida nishonladilar.[73][74]
U qabiladan qaytganidan ko'p o'tmay kaucho savdo korxonasi, Manuel Kordova turmushga chiqdi. Bosh Shumu (Xumu) Xuaynini tanlagan (HK: "Xushbo'y gul") va vaziyatni Manuel bilan tanishtirdi. Albatta, u Xuaynini allaqachon bilar edi. Ular qishloqqa kelganidan ko'p o'tmay birinchi marta uchrashishgan Xanada o'g'irlab ketilgandan keyin u charchagan va yo'naltirilmagan bo'lsa; u keyinchalik Manuelga shirin banan ichimligini bergan qiz edi. Ularning bir-biriga davom etayotgan "kuchli mehr-muhabbat hissi" boshliqni xursand qildi.[75][76]
Bosh Xumu va ayaxuaska
Ayahuasca guruhi mashg'ulotlarida har bir a'zoning ko'rgan vizyonlarining tabiati va vaqtiga qo'llanmaning maqsadga muvofiq aytilgan qo'shiqlari sezilarli ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Guruh ushbu qo'shiqlarga qo'shilishadi icaros. Boshlovchi Xumu Nava o'zining rahbarlik rolida, ehtimol, har xil ashulalarni ishlatgan yoki icaros alohida qabila a'zolarining sub'ektiv tasavvurlarini boshqarish va muvofiqlashtirish maqsadida, shunday qilib ayaxuaska mashg'ulotlar ishtirokchilar o'rtasida umumiy tajribaga aylanadi. "Tez orada boshliq boshchiligidagi nozik, ammo hayajonli hayqiriqlar bizning vahiylarimizning rivojlanishini nazorat qilib oldi. Ham hayqiriqlar, ham vahiylar bezaklari ishtirokchilardan kelib chiqdi."[79][80] Yuqori Amazonning antropologi shunday yozgan:
"Kordoba-Riosning yozuvi o'quvchi uchun gallyutsinogenlar o'simliklarning ijtimoiy hayotning barcha jabhalariga markazlashgan holda qo'shilishi mumkin bo'lgan guruhlar orasida katta ahamiyatga ega. [U] savodsiz guruhlar ... o'simlik o'rmon hayvonlarini, ularning odatlari va o'ziga xos xususiyatlarini idrok etishni kuchaytirish va guruh ichidagi individual o'zaro munosabatlar to'g'risida ularning xabardorligini oshirish, shu bilan rasmiy etakchi tuzilmalar bo'lmagan taqdirda siyosiy nazoratni osonlashtirish ... o'simlikni tayyorlash va undan foydalanish marosimlar va musiqiy hayqiriqlar hamrohligida ... vahiylarning rivojlanishini boshqarish va aslida ularni muayyan muammolarga yordam beradigan madaniy qadriyatga asoslangan stereotipik modellarga yo'naltirish uchun boshqaruvchi shaman tomonidan boshqariladi ... ".[81]
Qo'zi bosh Xumu rahbarlik qilgan deb izoh berdi Xuni Kui "o'z xalqi bilan uzoq munozaradan so'ng har qanday muhim ish bo'yicha kelishuvni izlab, katta nafislik va noziklik bilan."[82] Uning rahbarlik qilish amaliyoti ayaxuaska ehtiyotkorlik bilan belgilangan sessiyalar icaros shubhasiz uning ishontirish qobiliyatiga yordam bergan. Ovchilar ta'qib qilish va o'yinni uchratish haqida o'zlarining ertaklarini aytib berish uchun yig'ilganda, Xumu ham o'z hikoyasini aytib berishi mumkin edi. Ko'pincha u sobiq boshliq Avava Toto haqida gapirar edi.[83] Bosh Xumu ularni ish bilan ta'minlagan ayaxuaska uning vakolatlarini oshirish uchun sessiyalar.
"Tushundim, do'stim", dedi menga Kordova, - bu sizga ta'sirning ahamiyatini tushunishga qiynalayotganingizni. maestro ayaxuasquero u bilan birga men tasvirlab bergan ko'rinish sessiyasida ishtirok etadigan bir guruh odamlarning aqli ustidan. Bir paytlar amalga oshirilgan ushbu kuch, ta'sirchanligi bilan nozik bo'lsa ham, osonlikcha yo'q bo'lib ketmaydi. Ma'lumki, yoshligimda men bir necha yil davomida uning sehrida edim. "[84]
Boshliq Xumu vafot etganidan so'ng, Kordova uning ko'rsatmalariga amal qildi va qabila boshlig'i vazifalarini o'z zimmasiga oldi. Oxir-oqibat u guruhni olib borayotganda kashf etdi ayaxuaska yordamida sessiya icaros, "vahiylar qo'shiqlarga va qo'shiqlarga bo'ysunganligi yoki, ehtimol, ashulalar orqali vahiylar jarayoniga ta'sir o'tkazishi mumkin deb aytish yaxshiroq bo'lar edi". Keyingisida ayaxuaska Kordova qabila a'zolariga rahbarlik qilgan sessiyada guruh ko'rgan vahiylarni boshqarish bo'yicha yangi tushunchasini sinovdan o'tkazdi. U shunday deydi: "Men nima ko'rishni xohlasam, shuni aytdim va har safar ... vahiylar qanchalik daxldor yoki g'alati bo'lishidan qat'i nazar, ular mening xohish-istaklarimni qo'shiq bilan ifoda etganimda ularga bo'ysunishlarini aniqladim".[85] Shunga ko'ra, uning vakolati oshdi. "Erkaklar mening orzularim ustidan hukmronlikka erishganimni anglab etgach, ular meni haqiqiy sehrgar, ularnikidan ustun mavqe deb hisoblashdi."[86]
Migratsiya Xuni Kui
Yaqin o'tmishda, Kordova kelishidan ancha oldin, qabila Braziliyadagi daryo bo'yida, chegara bo'ylab joylashgan aholi punktlarida yashagan. Tarauaka [HK: Xonva-ia]. Biroq tijorat kauchuk agentlari yaqin atrofda paydo bo'la boshladi. Ushbu guruhlar sifatida kakero soni ko'paygan, ularning o'rmon odamlari bilan tortishuvlari kuchayishi mumkin. Ushbu bosqinchilarning ba'zilari turli xil mahalliy qabilalarga, xususan, qarshi qurolli va qotil hujumlarni boshladilar Xuni Kui. Kerakli mudofaani qurishga qodir bo'lmagan Xuma boshligidagi qabilaviy kichik guruhlar o'ldirgan va asirga olingan ayollar va bolalarni olib ketgan bu tajovuzkorlardan qochish uchun yuqoriga qarab harakat qilishga qaror qilishdi. Tez orada bu yangi boshpana ham rezina manfaatlar hujumiga uchradi. Bundan tashqari, qo'shni qabilalar zamonaviy o'qotar qurollarni qo'lga kiritishdi va shu tariqa qabilalararo urushning takroriy zo'ravonligida chidab bo'lmas ustunlikka ega bo'lishdi. Yana g'arbiy yuqoriga ko'tarilayotganda, katta boa topildi va qochqinlar buni omad deb qabul qilib, o'zlarining kichik guruhlarini Donowan boadan keyin.[87][88][89][90]
Bular Donowan yuqoriga ko'tarilishda, bir nechta daryolarning baland tog'lari yonida, kirish qiyin bo'lgan joyga; "ular bosqinchi rezina to'sarlarga tegmaslik uchun bu eng xavfsiz hududga suzib yuriladigan oqimlardan uzoqlashdilar". Bu jarayonda ularga ikkita mahalliy qabilalar qo'shildi (The Xabo va Ixabo: "Xurmo daraxti" odamlari) ham xuddi shunday gapirishgan Xuni Kui til. Birgalikda ular o'zlari nomlagan yangi aholi punktiga asos solishdi Xanada ("Yana boshlash uchun joy"), Xumu ularning boshlig'i boshchiligida. Shunga qaramay, jarohatlangan qabila xotirasida saqlanadi Xuni Kui oilaviy falokatlarga tegishli bo'lgan og'ir, hissiyotli sahnalar bo'lib qoldi, shuning uchun qabilaning yo'qotishlarini o'chirish uchun instinktiv turtki: "o'ldirilgan qarindoshlar va o'g'irlangan bolalar" va ular ov qilgan, ishlov bergan va yig'ilgan avvalgi erlari.[91][92][93]
Xumu boshlig'ining o'tishi
Keksa qabila boshlig'i Xumu kasal bo'lib, yanada zaiflasha boshladi. U kulbasida bir necha kun o'tirdi, uning ichida keksa qishloq ayollari ishtirok etdi. Uning o'tishi paytida qabila motamga tushdi. Uning jasadi yuvilib o'ralgan holda dafn etishga tayyorlanib, so'ng kulbaning shiftiga ko'tarilgan, u erda olovdan tutun quyuq bo'lib, uni ko'p oylar davomida davolagan. Barcha faoliyat to'xtatildi. Uning hayoti va rahbarligi mehr bilan esga olindi; nostalji qamrab oldi Xuni Kui. Qabila yig'lash nolalari orasida qabila ko'tarildi. Xotirada odamlar Xumuning so'nggi migratsiyalardagi qayg'u va tashvishlar paytida rahbarligi haqida gapirishdi. Keyinchalik uning qotib qolgan tanasi moylangan edi, shu sababli bo'g'inlari harakatga keltirilib, uni o'tirish holatiga keltirdi; keyin u katta sopol idishga joylashtiriladi. Unga tegishli narsalar, shuningdek, oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari qo'yiladi, so'ngra eritilgan daraxt qatroni yordamida qopqoq yopiladi. Tantanali marosim bo'lib o'tdi, unda boshliq qishloq chetiga dafn qilindi. Kunlar o'tdi; oxir-oqibat qishloqdagi oziq-ovqat do'koni tugadi va qabila hayotining jamoat faoliyati qayta tiklandi.[94][95]
Kordovaning boshliq bo'lgan vaqti
Bosh Xumuni dafn etish marosimi tinchgina tayyorlanib, keyin qabila tomonidan o'tkazilib, o'z-o'zidan motam paydo bo'ldi. Biroz vaqt o'tgach, Kordova (Ino Moxo) ovchilar tomonidan an ayaxuaska Kuzatish va o'q otish mahoratini kuchaytirish va kuchaytirish uchun "guruh orzulari" sessiyasi. Qabilaning kauchuk savdosi bilan shug'ullanganiga bir yildan oshdi. Ko'proq ehtiyoj paydo bo'ldi machetes va boshqa jihozlar. Kordova qishloq ishlarini va lateksning o'rmon kollektsiyasini, so'ngra uni daryo savdo punktiga etkazishni boshqargan. Bir marta u erga, avvalgidek, sotish uchun yolg'iz ketdi kaucho va tovarlarni sotib olish. Kordova kauchukning narxi deyarli yarmiga tushib ketganini bilib oldi.[96][97]
Qabilalarning bayramlari ularning yangi xaridlarini nishonlash uchun o'tkazildi caucho savdo. Ichkilik ichgan kunlar oqibatida mast bo'lganlar orasida odatiy janjallar kelib chiqdi. Kordovaga g'azablangan janjallarni qondirish qiyin edi. Keyinchalik u boshqasini boshqardi ayaxuaska mashg'ulotlarini o'tkazdi, chunki uning mahorati sezilarli darajada yaxshilandi, chunki u xitoblardan foydalangan icaros guruhning birgalikda rasmlarni oqimini tashkil qilish. Qabila a'zolari ko'rib chiqish uchun kelgan Ino Moxo usta. Oxir oqibat, qabilaning ijtimoiy hayotiga oid yangi tushunchalar Kodovaga takrorlanadigan nizolarga vositachilik qilish qobiliyatini oshirishga imkon berdi. Kordova, shuningdek, bosh Xumudan o'rgangan shifo san'ati bilan shug'ullanishga chaqirilgan. U keksa ayolga biroz ishonishni boshladi, Owa Iuxabo (Keksa ona).[98][99][100] Shunga qaramay, boshqa qiyinchiliklar rivojlandi.
Bir guruh Xuni Kui, tabiatan shafqatsizroq ko'rinadigan, boshqalaridan ajralib qolgan va ko'p kunlar davomida yo'q bo'lgan. Qaytib kelganlarida, bir qishloq ayollari Kordovaga Peruning kauchuk shilimshiqlari lageriga reyd uyushtirganliklarini, uning oldindan bergan ko'rsatmalariga e'tibor bermasliklarini ishora qildilar. Kordova (Ino Moxo) ular bilan tamaki uchrashuvini chaqirdi, unda u sobiq boshliq tomonidan ehtiyotkorlik bilan o'qitilganligi va qurol-yarog 'olish va tovarlarni sotish qobiliyatini esladi. Drama holda, u ularning bosqini haqida bilishini nazarda tutgan va agar ular reydni davom ettirsalar, "yovuz ruhlar va halokatli davrlar qabilani yo'q qiladi". Ushbu a'zolar ko'pchilikni aytib, muhokamaga qo'shilishdi kakero endi qo'shni o'rmonlardan chekinayotgan edilar; eng muhimi, ular odamlar tomonidan etkazilgan o'lim va boshqa yo'qotishlarga to'xtalib o'tdilar Xuni Kui oldin. Avvalgi rezina to'sarlarning hujumlarida ayollar va bolalar olib ketilgan, boshqalari o'ldirilgan yoki bedarak yo'qolgan. Qabila o'z qishlog'ini va erlarini tashlab ketishga majbur bo'lgan (yuqorida "Ko'chish" ga qarang). Ijtimoiy birdamlikni tiklash uchun Kordova javoban 25 kishilik qabila partiyasini tanlab oldi, ular o'zlarining avvalgi turar joylari bo'lgan joyga, ya'ni haydab chiqarilgan joylariga sayohat qildilar. Partiya eski erlariga etib borgach, ular tashlandiq deb topildi kaucho lagerlar. Kordova zo'ravonlik bilan qasos olish haqidagi gaplarni to'xtatish uchun harakat qildi va bu ko'proq qurollangan qurollar tomonidan halokatli javobni keltirib chiqarishi mumkinligi haqida ogohlantirdi. kakero ularning hozirgi uylariga qarshi Xanada. Keyin partiya uyga qaytdi, u erda Kordovaga dushman qabilalari tekshiruv o'tkazganligi haqida xabar berishdi Xuni Kui mudofaa.[101][102]
Ayni paytda, Kordovaning hayotiga noma'lum urinishlar qilish davom etmoqda; unga o'qlar otilgan, ammo kim tomonidan sir tutilgan: ehtimol raqib qabila. Marhum boshliq Xumu o'zining yagona o'g'lining bunday snayper hujumlari qurboniga aylanishini ko'rgan edi.[103][104] Qabilaning navbatdagi kauchuk-savdo korxonasi paytida Kordova lateks narxlari pasayishda davom etayotganini va ko'plab savdo kakero ketayotgan edilar. Keyinchalik, o'rmonda bo'lganida Kordovaga deyarli o'q tegsa, qabila xavotirlanib, undan himoya qilish uchun qishloqda qolishini talab qildi. Go'yo o'z qabilasi tomonidan qamoqqa tashlanganidek, u oldindan bashorat qilishni his qila boshladi. Kordova (Ino Moxo) keyin o'zini o'zi uchun tayyorladi ayaxuaska sessiya: u erda u vafot etgan boshliq Xumu va qora yaguarni ko'rdi; Shuningdek, u onasi kasal va o'layotganini ko'rdi.[105][106]
Ikitosga qaytish
Yana bir lateks keshi yig'ilib, keyin qabila partiyasi uni quruqlik tomon o'z manziliga etkazdi: banklar qirg'og'idagi savdo post Rio Purus. Yaqin atrofda to'xtab, ular qolgan qismida lateksni suzib yurish uchun sal qurdilar; odatdagidek, Kordova kiyimlarini kiydi va kauchukni yolg'iz o'z ichiga oldi. Uning narxi pasayishni davom ettirdi va lateks kutilgan qiymatdan juda oz edi. Outpost tomonidan bog'langan Filo, Braziliya ishga tushirilishi. Rodriges unga tez orada pastga tushishini aytdi. Ba'zi sotib olingan kommunal mollar bilan Kordova kutib turgan qabila partiyasiga qaytdi. Keyin u yangi qurol sotib olish uchun yana borishi kerakligini aytib, ularning e'tiborini noto'g'ri yo'naltirdi. Ertasi kuni ertalab o'rmon savdo punktiga qaytib, u o'rniga parchani buyurtma qildi Filo. Uni olib bordi Manaus Amazonka daryosining o'rta qismida; bu shahar Amazon kauchuk bomining tijorat poytaxti edi.[107] Manaus Kordova Luzero-Rodrigues da Costa & Companhia kompaniyasining ofislariga bordi, u erda hisobvarag'ida qoldiqni yig'di. Bu erda u oqsoqol Rodrigesga dunyodagi dunyoni saqlab, etti yillik asirligi to'g'risida xabar berishdan qochdi Xuni Kui yashirin va alohida. Manaus Kordovadan g'arbiy tomonga, Amazon daryosigacha ko'tarildi Ikitos Peruda. U erda u xuddi shu uyda yashaydigan otasini topdi, u uni an bilan kutib oldi abraço, lekin uning onasi va singlisi yaqinda gripp epidemiyasida vafot etganini xafa qilgan.[108][109]
Keyinchalik Kordoba o'rmon qabilasi bilan bo'lgan vaqtini orzu qilgan bo'lsa-da, u qo'lga olingan voqea va qabila bilan hayot haqida ikkilanib turaverdi. Ikitosdagi uyga qaytgach, u yana qaytib kelishga urinmadi Xuni Kui. U qabila haqidagi yangiliklarni tinglagan. Oxir oqibat u Xuni Kui uning "hind asirlari" sifatida, shuningdek "mening hindular guruhi" va "bizning qishloq" sifatida. Ammo u qochishini oqlash uchun sabablarni keltirdi. "Mening dastlabki oilaviy aloqalarim mustahkam edi va shu sababli men qochish va qaytish g'oyalaridan hech qachon voz kechmaganman". Boshqa tomondan, u "agar sharoit boshqacha bo'lganida edi, men uzoq vaqt davomida o'rmonda qolishim mumkin edi", dedi. Bir necha muhim shartlardan eng muhim sharti shundaki, "u erdagi bizning dushmanlarimiz meni o'ldirmoqchi edilar va shu bilan mening hindular guruhi uchun o'qotar qurol manbasini yo'q qilmoqdalar". Keyinchalik, uning ajoyib davo qobiliyatini muhokama qilganda, Kordoba bu ishni Xuma boshlig'iga beradi. Xuni Kui, "hayotining qolgan qismiga eng muhim ta'sir ko'rsatuvchi" bo'lgan.[110][111][112]
Haqiqiylikni berish
Kordovaning Peru Amazonasining mahalliy qabilasi tomonidan qo'lga kiritilganligi va yillar o'tganligi haqidagi hikoya dastlab antropologik adabiyot. Darhaqiqat, u maqtandi va tavsiya qilindi.[113][114] Richard Evans Shultes, nishonlandi o'simliklar bo'yicha vakolat va Kordovaning 1971 yildagi kitobi haqida, xususan, Amazonning giyohvand moddalar ekstraktlarida shunday deyilgan: "Amazoniyalik hindular tomonidan ishlatiladigan o'simliklarga oid ko'plab ma'lumotlar va ayniqsa gallyutsinogen haqidagi qiziqarli ma'lumotlar ayaxuaska provide significant ethnobotanical information."[115]
About a decade after Lamb's first book, however, the well-regarded anthropologist Robert L. Carneiro published a piece highly critical of Córdova.[116][117] It appeared in a popular book of essays mostly about boshqa 's somewhat similar claims of being initiated into Native American shamanizm (yet of a different culture, locale and method). The book's editor Richard de Mille was a noted sceptic.[118][119] Carneiro presented a list of major social customs he had observed, or had been told about, the Amaxuaka [tribes associated with the Huni Kui],[120][121] which differed markedly from those related by Córdova. Among these traits: no tribal chief, no tribal 'villages', different 'clothes', different weapons, different tribal marosimlar, no 'tobacco-licking' oath, different care of the dead, cannibalism, and different myths.[122]
Carneiro also quoted a letter he received from a university psixiatr ning Lima,[123][124] who had "interviewed" the elderly Córdova when he was "seriously ill". The letter characterized him as a vain rustic, and a hiyla-nayrang.[125][126] Not willing to commit to an absolute denial of authenticity, Carneiro nonetheless states that Córdova's story "consists of fragmentary etnografik tidbits gleamed indiscriminately from many tribes and encased in a matrix of personal fantasy."[127] Carneiro had earlier published about a half-dozen articles on the 'Amahuaca tribes' based on his on-site study of them conducted about 50 years after Córdova's reported experiences.[128][129] Later Lamb claimed that Carneiro spent "a very short time (about eight weeks)" with the Amahuaca,[130] lekin Xaksli writes that Carneiro and his wife Gertrude Dole were there at least "two months" during a return visit.[131]
Subsequently, the issue has been addressed by several different writers, with opinions divided.[134] Jonathan Ott, an expert on enteogen drugs including ayahuasca, recapitulates Carneiro's essay and seconds his conclusions.[135] Nonetheless Ott later mentions Córdova positively as one of the mestizo ayahuasqueros who had left his "jungle home" yet "continued to practice shamanic healing in urban areas of Peru".[136]
Lamb remained convinced of the truth of Córdova's account.[137][138] During the 50 years between Córdova's capture and Carneiro's study, the Amahuaca tribes underwent radical social transformations, due to traumatic encounters with the modern world.[139] Events during these 50 years were dramatic, as the Amazon rubber boom and other commercial penetration (e.g., subsequent oil production)[140] caused sharp social disruption in the Peruvian Amazon: a catastrophic decline in Amahuaca tribal population, loss of most tribal lands, and cultural-economic assimilation.[141][142]
Lamb also contends that from Córdova's book the Huni Kui tribe can be precisely determined from among neighboring tribes, but that Carneiro has instead incorrectly employed the ethnically ambiguous name of Amahuaca and so misidentified the Huni Kui, connecting them with other assorted tribes.[143][144] Lamb criticized focus on the Amahuaca:
"Amaxuaka, as it is used indiscriminately by many observers for various Panoan clans dwelling between the Río Juruá va Río Madre de Díos in Brazil and Peru, is a vague term with little meaning for designating any particular tribe or clan of Indians."[145] "Whether or not [here the] Huni Kui can legitimately be called Amahuaca is difficult to determine... ."[146]
Later Lamb pointed to a 1926 article, whose French author wrote professionally on Amazon tribes, where the Huni Kui were also called the Caxinaua and the Amahuaca.[147] A current chapter "Huni Kuin (Kaxinawá)", in Povos Indígenas no Brasil, also identifies the Huni Kuin (with an added "n") as the Caxinauá yoki Kaxinava.[148][149] Yet the names of tribal peoples here (where some groups even now choose to remain hidden from moderns) retains an ambiguity due to ubiquitous conventions of self-naming.
"The first reports from travellers in the region contain a confusing mix of indigenous group names that persists even today. This stems from the fact that the names do not reflect a consensus between namer and named. The Pano namer calls (almost) all the others nawa, and himself and his kin huni kuin." "Huni Kuin [signifies] 'true humans'."[150]
Lamb discusses,[151] with multiple citations to anthropological literature, each of Carneiro's points about Huni Kui tribal customs: chiefs, village size, clothing, weapons, ceremonies, tobacco, funerals, cannibalism, and myths. He refers to Huxley's book about the Amahuaca, citing a description of a Rondowo village with fifty houses whose people were led by a kuraka or tribal chief,[152][153] who ruled on any conflicts with outsiders.[154][155][156][157][158] Lamb thus relied on prior work of other scholars who clearly differed with Carneiro, and on tribal changes during the significant 50 year lapse.[159]
Matthew Huxley 's 1964 book Farewell to Eden sheds light on Amahuaca history, especially regarding kingship and settlements. Carneiro challenged Córdova's account regarding the existence of kings or villages among the Amahuaca; Carneiro claimed neither existed, "strictly speaking".[160] Nonetheless, Huxley refers to og'zaki tarixlar taken in interviews with Amahuaca which indicate that in tribal lore "once there existed three, perhaps even four 'big' villages". One was called Xandia, said to be founded by "Iriya, the Rondowo's kuraka (chief)" who was still alive in the early 1960s. He had persuaded two other Amahuaca subgroups to join Xandia which had "some 50 huts". All of these villages were eventually abandoned, probably due to "internal dissension" and to raids by caucheros during the rubber boom.[161]
In this broad view Huxley generally substantiates Córdova's story, e.g., Huxley's Xandia suggests Córdova's Xanadá. Yet not all the details given by Huxley find a match in Córdova.[162] About Carneiro's denial, "strictly speaking", of chiefs or villages among the Amaxuaka: at one point Huxley infers an outline tribal history which suggests that toward mid-century, when Carneiro arrived (50 years after Córdova), outside contact had resulted in the fragmentation of the Amahuaca into very small groups.[163]
Córdoba is discussed in a 1991 book co-written by Luis Eduardo Luna, an anthropologist familiar with his Peruvian Amazon, and Pablo Amaringo, a local practitioner of native healing arts. Córdoba's singular familiarity with the plants of the tropical forest is highly praised, as well as his insights about ayaxuaska and his chanting guidance of group sessions. The authors note that Amazon herbalists would depend on the jungle tribes for their initial familiarity with the plants, and are usually ready with an account about their shaman sources. While agnostic about his tribal capture story, the authors write that Córdoba's extensive knowledge was certainly acquired from the native tribes of the region. They refer to him as "Don Manuel Córdova-Ríos, a vegetalista of great reputation for his knowledge of medicinal plants and for his success as a healer."[164]
Ino Moxo: black jaguar
Manuel Córdova-Ríos acquired the name Ino Moxo, a word of the Amazon region which means: jaguar ino, and black moxo. A memorable event occurred a year before he began searching for rubber trees near Iberia. During a trip north to the Río Putumayo, the young Manuel when alone had come upon a black jaguar in the forest. During several fleeting moments of a vital and gripping intensity they had exchanged looks. Jaguars thereafter held a fascination for him, e.g., in his visions.[165] Later he was captured and taken to the Huni Kui village, whose tribal stories and rituals would feature the jaguar.[166]
At a time when the Huni Kui chief Xumu was declining in physical strength, there was an ayaxuaska session in a forest clearing. A group of hunters took the drink, which then took its effect. Thereafter, in a parade of animals accompanied by the chanting of the hunters, the first animals to appear were large jungle cats. There came a "tawny puma... spotted ocelot, then a giant rosetta-spotted jaguar". Though of tremendous strength this animal shuffled along before the onlooking men. But the large cat's peaceful attitude ended abruptly. "An instant change of demeanor to vicious alertness caused a tremor through the circle of phantom-viewers." It was a terrifying sight. This vision sparked in the memory of Córdova his prior solitary encounter "face to face on a forest path with the rare black jaguar". He remembered clearly the ino moxo. "This mighty animal now intruded on our visions and a shudder passed through us all." Later, a "kaloreya of thick fruit gruel" made the rounds of the group.[167][168]
"Everyone seemed aware of the source of the black jaguar sequence of visions. It left a strong impression on them and resulted in my being given the name Ino Moxo, Black Panther."[169]
A slightly different version was later told. When the shared vision of the rosette-spotted jaguar worked to spark Córdova's own memory, he began a chant, "in the Huni Kui language, "Ino, Ino Mosho" (Black Jaguar) and the mighty black beast then intruded into the joint dreams of our group".[170]
Romanchi César Calvo Soriano narrates a different story altogether. He attaches the name change to an event orchestrated by chief Ximu [Xumu, Shumu], probably shortly after the arrival of the young Manuel Córdova in the Huni Kui qishloq.[171][172]
"The childhood of the kidnapped boy passed in a long celebration, a noisy ceremony of potions and fierce nostalgias, in the climax of which he was rebaptized. He stretched his arms, and from the high bush his new life rained down. 'Ino Moxo,' said the branches above, struck by a heavy downpour. 'Ino Moxo,' as a talisman made of roots and darkness. Ino Moxo: Black Panther."[173]
After his return to Iquitos, Córdova led ayaxuaska sessions for a Lamisto tribe upriver in Chazúta. Then the fierce black jaguar of his youthful encounter appeared again, in the shared fantasy of the Lamisto group; the vision became a local legend. Córdova settled down, making his home in the forest. Then, by using a native technique of putting 'stingers' in the footprints of jaguars, he caused the jungle near his home to become free of roaming jaguars, who had been stealing his chickens and pigs. In a different setting, he correctly predicted a fatal jaguar attack. As a cumulative result, he acquired a reputation for possessing control over the wild jaguars of the Amazon, Córdova informs us.[174]
Life in the Peruvian Amazon
Following his return to his native city of Iquitos from the remote Huni Kui village of Xanadá, Córdova immediately discovered that his family had been struck by the plague, in which his mother died. Córdova then found work in the neighboring forests and rivers of the Peruvian Amazon, e.g., a return to being a rubber tapper, as a guide for timber surveyors, as a rural farmer, and locating plants for a pharmaceutical company. He married and started a family. In addition to his regular work, Córdova had begun to find cures for the sick when the situation arose, especially among the rugged and isolated people of the Amazon forest. He appreciated the great value of his learning in the healing arts received from Xumu, chief of the Huni Kui. His early practice of providing herbal remedies was occasional, but following many successful treatments, popular demand for his services increased. By then he and his family had returned to the urban life of Iquitos.[175]
Forest guide and farmer
Although now moving about in western clothes, Córdova was nonetheless often able to establish rapport with tribal people of the forest. He understood several languages native to the upper Amazon.[176][177] In addition to talking and listening, he also could share an intuitive familiarity, a fascination and an appreciation of the incredible o'rmon. As an herbalist he knew directly the touch and smell of its flora and by hunting the tracks made by the fauna. He described one episode where a native man led Córdova away from a well-traveled river up a creek in order to reach his remote village and his shy, isolated people. Córdova's ability to paddle well in their tiny canoe and his comments "on the plants, birds, animals, on the sounds, smells, signs" of the forest led his companion to regard Córdova "as an equal. He would not have to apologize to his tribesmen for bringing me into their territory." Córdova told also about the time he journeyed to discuss with a "superstitious and clannish people" their on-site employment for the commercial collection of medical plants. For two days he was taken by mule trails to his guide's remote mountain village near the Andes, the two talking in a "brand of Kechua ". His guide, having grown familiar with Córdova, felt no discomfort in presenting him to the reserved villagers.[178]
Because of a temporary rise in rubber prices due to the World War (1914–18), Córdova was able to find work locating wild rubber trees for tapping. During these years, Córdova continued his interest in medicinal plants; he increased his knowledge by sharing with local practitioners and tribes. Eventually he entered into contract with an agent of pharmaceutical companies to act as an herbalist, to find plants of the Amazon region noted for their curative properties. In the meantime, he and his wife acquired 'squatter rights' on a river 'island' and Córdova started farming the land, growing corn and raising livestock. He hunted to supplement their diet. It was a few decades afterwards, when he and his maturing family lived in the Amazon city of Iquitos, that he served as guide for a timber company, e.g., in a region near the And deb nomlangan the eyebrows of the mountain [Sp: las cejas de la montaña]. An arboreal survey was being created, with information about river access. There began his work with an American forester, Bruce Lamb, who would become his lifelong friend and colleague. Lamb wrote the books and articles.[179][180][181]
Tribes in transition
Later when elderly, Córdova reflected on his Amazon home in a wider context: the social disruption (superficially shown in mixed attire), difficult economic adjustments, territorial dispersal of 'refugees', and suffering among the tribes, all of which resulted in the wake of the modern advance in the Amazon of world commerce and culture.[182] The rezina bom at the turn of the 19th century was a case in point. His own capture by the Huni Kui had happened as a result of one of the many cross-cultural dislocations. Of the collateral dystopias created by such advance, Córdova described one particular negative aspect, the seemingly contagious violence:[183]
"The tribal lives of the forest-dwelling Indians of the Amazon were subject to devastating pressures by the invading rubber exploiters seeking riches... . Hostile tribes were forced into conflict by the invasion as [one tribe] sought to escape and establish new hunting territories in country already occupied by [an]other tribe."[184]
While the youthful Córdova lived with the Huni Kui by the headwaters of the Río Purús, a thousand kilometers to the north on the Putumayo The international rubber trade disgracefully created hell.[185][186][187][188] Generally in the Amazon region, episodes of social injustice and culture clash persisted.[189][190][191] Especially since 1900, the Peruvian Amazon has been in a state of continual transformation, for better or for worse. Among intrusions during the last five centuries: the military, missions, and traders; the government, settlers, and botanists; rubber, lumber, and oil; ranching, air travel, and urban retail; transistor radios, tourism, and mobile phones.[192]
These modernizing changes in the Amazon were accompanied by an increase in intermarriage va interracial marriage, which had commenced four centuries earlier.[193] These novel unions occurred with members of different tribes, with Europeans, and with Africans. The multitribal or metizo children and descendants often belonged exclusively to neither the father's nor the mother's culture. A person who lived in the river and forest communities without tribal affiliation became described as a "ribereño", which might include Córdova.[194]
Nikoh va oila
Córdova had noticed a young student, Nieves Ochoa, at the Catholic Mission and Convent School for Girls located by the river settlement of Requena on the lower Ucayali at the mouth of the Río Tapiche. He arranged with her to meet secretly several times. Then, as the narration explains, "I stole her from the Padres and took her with me to the upper Tapiche." After the birth of two daughters (for each occasion he had "prepared herbal baths and extracts for Nieves to drink"), the couple was married by Padre Augustín Lopez of the convent school, who also baptized their children.[195][196]
Dan Río Tapiche Nieves and Manuel then moved to Áquano Isla on the Río Ucayali. They constructed a rustic home and began to work as an independent farming family, obtaining the "squatter's rights" of another. Although rewarded by their efforts, the river's changing currents made the Isla unstable. Later, on the long-term advice of the Padre, they moved to the large city of Iquitos. There Córdova eventually became a full-time vegetalista or, what has been called an urban shaman, a curandero. Nieves Ochoa assisted in his work, and came to share in his visions. They enjoyed a large family: five sons and five daughters, and with time 50 grandchildren.[197][198]
Coliseo de Gallos
Suffering from increasing river flooding on the Áquano Isla farm, the Córdova family relocated to the city of Iquitos. He contacted a boyhood friend from school, who needed someone to manage an ongoing business in Iquitos, and they formed a partnership. The business involved holding public events which featured fighting cocks. Córdova worked on assembling the best string of such fowl. The concession stand he left to his wife and children. His fighting cocks became famous and were often victorious. Betting was a major means of revenue, both the house percentage and his own wagers, along with spectator tickets, competitor entry fees, and the concessions. He later bought out his partner. When for extraneous reasons Córdova later fled to Manaus where he remained for several years, his two older sons were able to successfully run the business. The arena was named the Córdova Coliseo de Gallos. On his return from Manaus, the family decided to sell the company.[199]
Herbalist and healer
As mentioned, Córdova continued to utilize the training in healing arts taught him by chief Xumu of the Huni Kui. Episodes involving his individual patients are narrated intermittently throughout the Río Tigre book, especially in the chapter "Man of Medicine". He began with his own family. Córdova relates that he "prepared herbal baths and extracts for Nieves to drink before and after the birth of our children". Also he made an herbal drink to cure his second daughter of a youthful, diabetic-like condition. Much later he prepared plant extracts to serve as a contraceptive for one of his five daughters.[200]
His early patients usually were poor mestizos and people of the forest tribes. While living on remote Áquino Isla, he attended a friend with a severe skin rash erupting all over his body that was thought to be leprosy but which Córdova diagnosed as pellagra (due to a poor diet), and a woman with a continuing flow of blood after childbirth. Both cures were effected by herbal extracts. "When it became known by word of mouth that I could cure people they came from far and near for help." Mentioned are other Amazon treatments for: alcoholism (a cure learned from chief Huanichi of the Capanahua), diabet, and epilepsy. Later in Iquitos he cured a young girl with a lung infection doctors thought tubercular, but Córdova tracked it to a festering wound in her foot that had superficially healed over, but whose infection had migrated to her lungs. His reputation grew. A judge called Córdova about his seriously ill daughter for whom doctors "could do nothing more"; after an interview and exam, and by using ayaxuaska, he found that her liver was the problem's source and prepared several plant extracts: first to "detoxify " her from prior "improper medication", and then to treat her liver.[202]
While resident in the Brazilian city of Manaus he continued to practice the healing arts. After returning to Peru, at a jungle curare camp he had established, Córdova treated an associate's wife who for many years suffered from epileptic seizures; he made her a preparation containing fine powder from pedernal (flint) rock, which may contain lityum, a remedy chief Huanichi had taught him. Later by use of the pedernal powder and a tree bark, Córdova helped several suicide-prone patients with manic depression. Da Chazúta the local tribe, who considered illness the work of evil spirits, requested him to attend to a dying man, who Córdova found to be suffering instead from bezgak and intestinal parasites; his herbal remedies improved his condition. By Río Napo Córdova cured himself of uta a local skin disease disfiguring to nose and ears which he had contracted from a red fly's bite. An herbal remedy he prepared for "sore throat and head cold" might function as an aphrodisiac if taken in increased amounts, which inadvertently happened.[203]
A case involving an Iquitos policeman had puzzled doctors who hinted at a surgical solution; after receiving a mixture of tree leaves and tree bark, the man passed an "intestinal tapeworm " and was restored to health. A case that stumped doctors in Lima was later diagnosed by Córdova as erysipelas, cured with a drink made from tree barks and baths. The chapter "Man of Medicine" contains descriptions of other cases, including those involving: diabetes, lameness, ulcers, lumbago, kidney stones, Astma va leykemiya (a case whose cure the previous doctors considered "miraculous, unbelievable"). In many cases Córdova found a way to heal where earlier medical doctors had not been as fortunate. A remedy he derived from Amazon vegetalismo, some said, was a cure for cancer. Córdova mentions three cases he treated which had been doctor-diagnosed as cancer: two satisfactory; in the third the patient obtained relief from suffering yet died in his sleep.[204]
According to a Lima newspaper, he was seeing about 500 people a month. Lamb described Córdova as a person who "stood out in a group. Sitting in repose, smoking his ever-present pipe and conversing quietly, he gave the impression of a benign presence." His patients came from stations high and low. He treated many of the poor of Iquitos, whom he charged very little for his services. "I make people well more for personal satisfaction than for personal gain." As his chronicler Lamb wrote, "Córdova himself expressed a certain sense of awe at his ability to heal."[205]
Exile to Brazil: Manaus
As a result of successful outcomes due to his herbal treatment of those suffering from ill health, Córdoba had established himself as a vegetalista in Iquitos – a good reputation he continued to earn in the region, and so became a popular healer. Yet a latent rivalry between the university-trained medical profession and the local curanderos in the Peruvian Amazon unfortunately, among a few, came to focus on him. Unexpectedly, he was accused of practicing medicine without a license and formally charged. It was the provincial court's vocál, whom Córdoba considered to be a corrupt official, who told him he would be prosecuted. This official then went on to call Córdoba a "fraud" who was "exploiting the people". To this face-to-face insult, Córdoba "reacted spontaneously and violently" giving the vocál "the full impact of a clenched fist on the side of his jaw", which felled him.[206][207]
As a result, Córdoba was advised to leave the jurisdiction for the time being. He fled across the border to Brazil, where he then resided for several years. In the Amazon River city of Manaus (Manáos), recently accustomed to wealth made from the rubber trade,[208] he became acquainted with men in business and the professions who were masons. Years earlier Córdoba had joined the masons in Cruzeiro do Sul ustida Río Juruá. In Manaus he found that his idle membership now helped him make contacts that would increase his commercial opportunities, e.g., here he met Douglas Allen, the president for the Astoria Company of New York then visiting Brazil. He also enjoyed the friendship of medical doctors, Limirio da Costa and Mitrides de Lima Correa, with whom he traded his information on jungle plants and who in return enriched his understanding, e.g., of anatomiya va fiziologiya. Córdova's access to professional and book learning enabled him to establish for himself a more formal medical knowledge, and consequently greater scope and depth regarding his vegetalista point of view.[209]
Specimens for Nueva York
After World War II, while Córdova was living in Manaus, his knowledge of the medicinal properties of Amazon plants attracted the attention of the Astoria Company of New York City, which dealt primarily in lumber. This enterprise considered that it could produce and distribute "commercial medical products" made of plant extracts, or perhaps facilitate transfer of proprietary information, to the farmatsevtika industry in the USA. Also university medical schools might be interested. It had set up Compania Astoria Peruana and had started a lumber office in Iquitos under José O'Neil, who later befriended Córdova. Thus he became employed by Astoria to collect the Amazon plants he knew and to provide them with proper annotation, for shipment to Nueva York.[210][211][212]
Córdova spent several years gathering such herbal samples, whole or cuttings; the company provided him with a metal boat with an outboard motor. Later he composed an index with medicinal commentary. When eventually completed, his annotated collection of plants was shipped to Astoria Company in New York City. Unfortunately, Córdova's follow-up inquiries to the company about the fate of his work received no response. Years later an investigation by author Bruce Lamb in New York City found that Córdova's work had been received, but negligence by the Astoria employee in charge had led to its dissipation. A majority of the annotated plant specimens had been removed, probably by unidentified commercial interests, but no records were kept. Nonetheless, Córdova told Lamb that, considering his entire relationship with the company, "my feeling is more of gratitude than rancor".[213]
Curare extract for export
Córdoba continued his interest in Amazon flora. One plant known as ampihuasca would especially occupy his attention.[214] Its extract was quite deleterious, indeed it could prove fatal, yet medical science had found beneficial applications for it. The extract, named curare, when injected into the body can cause a temporary paralysis of skeletal muscles; it functions as an adjunct "in anesthesia for the production of muscle relaxation in various surgical procedures". Thus, in surgery muscles treated with a curare "syrup" in order to subdue their movement might allow a physician, e.g., to make delicate incisions on a stationary target.[215][216]
Kurare is known by many tribes across the Amazon forest, where it has served as a poison. Over a low fire the purified extract in time became a thickened liquid; it was then brushed onto arrow heads and dart points for use in hunting.[218] Kurare acts quickly as a paralysing poison when it directly enters the bloodstream. It is apparently safe to be taken orally, so that "one can drink the poison without being harmed". Hence wild birds and animals caught by using curare are safe to eat.[219] Years earlier Córdova had learned how to make it.
Córdova was taught the art of the curare extract by Izidoro, who called it "winged death". Izidoro was chief of the Jaguar clan of the Tikuna tribe. He and Córdova agreed to share their herbal knowledge, he about curare, Córdoba about ayaxuaska. Kelsak curare, it took several days to collect the source ampihuasca, "a large woody vine that hangs down from the tree tops". Izidoro would climb up to a hundred feet to cut this four-inch thick vine, each plant being carefully scrutinized and its name voiced. Other ingredients for the brew were also taken, e.g., hot peppers, tobacco leaves, and chayonlar. The vine was mashed and put with water in a pot, kept at a low simmer for several days, during which the liquid was filtered and skimmed. Incantations were required to guide the process. Its fumes were to be avoided. The brew became complete when an iridescent film formed on its surface.[220][221]
During the 20th century, medical use of the plant extract curare had continued to increase, causing a noticeable rise in its commercial market.[222] The Astoria Company's next assignment for Córdova was curare. He was particularly qualified to find the source plants and produce an extract of fine quality. He chose the foothills of the Andes, a region known as cejas de la montaña (eyebrows of the mountain). By this time he sometimes flew by airplane to remote sites. An associate introduced him to a local Lamisto tribe. Here his ability to speak Kechua was key in recruiting workers. A curare camp was soon functioning, with well-ventilated fireplaces carved out from a stream bank of clay. Careful instructions were given as to the vine: its color, age, and freshness. Chunki chayonlar were regularly found hiding in holes of the vine, the men called it madre de alacrán (mother of scorpions). An ASAP order for 200 kilograms was shipped in about three weeks. In reply the quality of this curare was rated excellent and a new order for 500 kilos made. Production continued on and off, fitting the seasonal availability of the Lamisto workers; Chazutinos were also involved. Eventually a synthetic substitute was developed which, when made commercially available, began to close the market for the plant product. "The last batch of curare extract that I made was finished in November 1965".[223]
Later recognition
His abilities as a healer had been demonstrated in the large number of people who had received successful cures, and in the subsequent steady demand for his medical services. Public recognition accumulated gradually. Eventually his patients included members of the elite, i.e., generals, admirals, a judge, a surgeon, an ambassador, and a former President of Peru. He was offered the position of Director of Medical Services by PetrolPeru, the state oil company, which he declined. Similarly declined: Professor of Medical Botany at the University of San Marcos in Lima.[224] During what were Córdova's last years, a visitor to his home in Iquitos found him surprisingly fit in appearance, writing later that "he looked sixty, except for cataract-clouded eyes".[225] On his 91st birthday he passed on.
Practice as a vegetalista
Córdova in the Rio Tigre book mentions many times his sense of obligation, however difficult, to train an apprentice, to pass on to another the knowledge of medicinal plants he had received from chief Xumu of the Huni Kui. In a sense, the book's information about herbs and stories about his experience as a vegetalista, as well as his views about health care and his practice insights into the healing arts, function as a testament to his training by chief Xumu.[226][227] Many descriptions his treatments and cures are referenced in the above section: "Herbalist and healer". During the period when the elder Córdova practiced his "Amazon medicine", several photographs of him were taken and later published (though of poor-resolution): one in the Rio Tigre book, taken in a forest hut with a village shaman;[228] and two in César Calvo 's 'novel': a serious portrait, and a smiling Córdova with pipe.[229]
Botanico's healing arts
"I could never turn suffering people away when I had it in my power to help." This was Córdova's stated understanding both of his desire to heal and of his obligation to aid others with his medicinal skill.[230] Although opinionated about healthy living, Córdova's medical practice usually went beyond the psycho-somatic aspect of an illness. His patients were provided with herbal regimens and other cures that addressed their physical complaints. Yet he also mentioned an ability in what appears to be psychological transference, which worked ancillary to his somatic remedies effected by use of plant extracts. Hence Córdova could be very persuasive, possessing the gravitas to inspire another's confidence in him as a healer.[231]
Many folk healers of the Amazon concentrate more on the psycho-somatic approach and, accordingly, might radiate "an aura of omnipotence" about their healing prowess. Although fortunate in his charisma as a folk healer, Córdova also had learned from his Amazon teachers a profound knowledge about qaysi medicinal plant worked to cure a particular physical ailment.[232][233] The Huni Kui were especially knowledgeable about herbal remedies. A French Catholic missionary priest Contant Tastevin, who had become familiar with the Huni Kui, wrote in a 1926 article: "They know all the remedies of the forest. Every leaf, stem and vine they know and use as remedies." He then listed as examples ten plants, each the Huni Kui used to cure a specific ailment.[234][235] Among Amazon tribes the elder Córdova worked with and knew, he realized that his "former captors" the Huni Kui were perhaps the best herbalists. They "possess the complete knowledge of the forest plants", including the use of ayaxuaska.[236]
Córdova's basic approach was to listen carefully to the patient. They were asked to describe the ailment, including its likely first cause: what they were doing differently about the time the it started. He would then examine the patient's general health and physical condition, and location of the illness. Thereafter, often in the evening, when quiet and composed, Córdova would visualize the patient's body as a whole, and identify the malfunctioning organ. In his youth he took ayahuasca to stimulate his perceptions and visualizations. Later in life, however, his prescriptive sense had developed with experience, and he no longer made and drank an ayaxuaska demlemek. Once having grasped the patient's condition, an herbal cure would suggest itself to him. Then he carefully prepared the medicine from plants at hand, or from those specially gathered, and either applied it himself or instructed the patient in its use. Afterwards he would monitor the course of the herbal treatment along with the patient's parhez.[238][239]
As a 'modern' vegetalista Córdova understood that the healing properties possessed by medicinal plants might be explained by a scientific process similar to molekulyar biologiya. Yet he favored remedies made organically from plants, voicing opposition to use of "synthetic medicines", especially in "massive doses". Some such synthetic drugs could be poisonous to the natural body. In event of such a case, Córdova's first step might be to detoxify the patient.[240]
Because some of his successful treatments followed failure by doctors trained in medical school, some patients referred to their cure as "miraculous". Córdova, however, would credit his method of approach, the plant remedy, and his follow through. His methodology consisted of: careful patient interviews, particularly about the origin of the symptoms, and physical examinations; his reflective study of the case to arrive at a proper tashxis; o'simlik ekstraktlarini tayyorlashda poklik va fidoyilik; va bemorning o'simlik vositasini yuborishga bo'lgan munosabatini diqqat bilan kuzatish. Uning foydali natijalari kaliti, dedi u, o'zining dastlabki mashg'ulotlari Xuni Kui shaman-bosh Xumu Nava.[241]
Qabilalar ma'naviyatining ko'rinishi
Kordova qabilaviy qabilalarni qat'iyan rad etdi sehrgarlik va sehrgarlik, ya'ni boshqa odamga la'nat etkazish va shu bilan zarar etkazish uchun ishlash. Bir necha marotaba u bunday yomon niyatli xatti-harakatlar qanday qilib aksincha qaytishini va shu kabi la'nat bilan yaralangan yoki jabrlanganligini his qilgan yoki shunchaki tahdid qilganlarning qotilona javobini keltirib chiqarganligini qat'iyan e'lon qildi.[242] Shunga qaramay, Kordova o'simlik shifobaxsh sifatida o'ziga murojaat qilgan odamlarni davolamoqchi bo'lgan pragmatist edi. U ba'zi odamlar va ba'zi qabilalar kasallikni jinlarning ishi deb tushunishini bilar edi.[243][244] Bunday holatlarda samarali bo'lish uchun Kordova kuranderoning (davolovchi) taxminiy jinni yo'q qilinganligini ko'rsatishi kerakligini bilar edi. Shunday qilib, davolanishning bir qismi sifatida kasalga azoblangan tanadan so'rilgan tikan ko'rsatilishi mumkin, u go'yo "sehrli" davolanishni yakunlagan.[245][246][247] Bunday qulay munosabat, shuningdek, Kordobaga boshqalari bilan suhbatlashish imkoniyatini berdi kurakalar tropik o'rmonning va keyinchalik xalq tabiblari shaharda.[248][249]
Shunga qaramay, uning mashhur sehrgarlikni ma'qullamasligi, Kordovaning o'rmonni davolash usullarini va qabilaviy e'tiqodlarni rad etganligini anglatmaydi. Ayaxuaska bilan bog'liq holda: undan foydalanish odamlar uchun va boshqa foydali maqsadlarda o'simliklardan davolash usullarini topishda yordam berishi mumkin. Kordovaning o'rmon tibbiyotidagi uzoq yillik tajribasi, mamnuniyat bilan ba'zi kishilarni ko'rsatdi ayaxuasquero bemorlarni davolash uchun muntazam ravishda ish olib borildi. Shu sababli u bundaylarni hurmat qilgan va hurmat qilgan ayaxuaska to'g'ri o'tkazilganda amaliyot.[250][251] Shunga ko'ra, Peru hayotiga qaytganidan keyin Xuni Kui Kordova qishlog'i, boshqa ish bilan shug'ullanganida, borligini payqagan ayaxuaska uzumzorlar. Oxir-oqibat u pishirish uchun bir nechta ingredientlarni yig'ishni boshladi ayaxuaska, keyin u ehtiyotkorlik bilan tayyorladi. Keyinchalik u guruhni olib bordi ayaxuaska bilan sessiyalar Chazuta, bu qabila a'zolariga energiya va ma'rifat bag'ishladi. Ushbu va keyingi mashg'ulotlarda Kordova boshlig'i Xumudan o'rgangan ashulalari va qo'shiqlari yordamida guruhni boshqargan.[252]
Kordova ozmi-ko'pmi tan olgandek tuyuldi va shu bilan ikki dunyoni qamrab oldi: qabilaviy urf-odatlar va shahar zamonaviyligi.[253] Foyda orasida ayaxuasquero Kordovaning so'zlariga ko'ra quyidagilarni ta'minlashi mumkin edi: (1) ichimlikni qabul qiluvchiga rahbarlik qilish va (2) o'rmonning boshqa o'tlaridan foydalangan holda kasallarga davolovchi sifatida. Ayaxuaska o'zi, Kordova tushunganidek, davolashda ishlatiladigan dorivor o'simlik emas edi. Uning ishlatilishi vahiylarni tinglash va ko'rish uchun ishlatilgan. "Ayaxuaska, bu qanday qilib sizga aytadi, lekin o'zi hech narsani to'g'ridan-to'g'ri davolamaydi. "[254]
Garchi Kordova mahalliy miqyosda ulardan foydalanish bo'yicha amaliy usta sifatida tanilgan bo'lsa-da ayaxuaskaning topish kuchlari davolash vositasi davolanish uchun, ehtimol u g'ayrioddiy tajribani to'liq tushuntirishni talab qilishni talab qilmagan, ya'ni nazariyada qanday aniq ayaxuaska ishlagan. U taklif qilishi mumkin sirli uni tashxis qo'yish va bemorlar uchun o'simlik retseptiga olib keladigan g'ayritabiiy qobiliyati haqida takliflar. Shuningdek, u sof taklif qildi biologik tomonidan boshlangan funktsiyalar ayaxuaska, fan tomonidan unchalik tushunarsiz bo'lgan tushunarsiz funktsiyalar. Boshqa paytlarda g'ayritabiiy kelib chiqishi haqida gapirish mumkin, masalan, hayvonlar o'rmon sirlarini qadimgi qabila shamanlariga o'rgatgan.[255][256][257][258] Zamonaviy shahar vegetalistlari Amazonning qabila diniy rahbarlari bilan hamkasb ekanligi aytiladi.[259][260][261] Bosh Xumoning ta'limotlariga rioya qilgan holda Xuni Kui, Kordova o'zining ekstraktlarini tayyorlar ekan, o'simliklarga an'anaviy icarosni kuylashni davom ettirdi. U o'rmon qo'shiqlarini aytishda u tayyorlayotgan o'simlik dori-darmonlarini sirli ravishda tibbiy jihatdan yaxshilaganiga amin edi.[262][263][264][265][266][267]
Ayaxuaska: tashxis, davolash vositasi
Peru Amazonasida kurandero sifatida mashq qilishning bir qismi sifatida, og'ir kasallikka chalingan bemorning dastlabki intervyusidan so'ng, Kordova dam olish va ichish uchun kechqurun nafaqaga chiqqan. ayaxuaska, tez-tez uning rafiqasi Nieves tomonidan guvoh bo'lgan.[268] Ushbu tungi mulohazalar unga to'g'ri kelishiga imkon berdi tibbiy diagnostika xususan kasallik haqida, keyin esa aniqlash uni davolash uchun to'g'ri o'simlik vositasi. Bosh Xumu Xuni Kui unga ushbu foydalanish texnikasining nozik tomonlarini o'rgatgan edi ayaxuaska. Bir necha yil o'simliklarni davolash bilan shug'ullangan Kordova, ushbu texnikada etarli tajribaga ega ekanligini anglab etdi. tashxis va toping davolash vositasi olmasdan ayaxuaska yana.[269][270][271]
Xumu tomonidan o'tkazilgan intensiv tibbiy mashg'ulotlar, Kordovaning ta'siri ostida bo'lganida uning xabardorligini doimiy ravishda boshqarishni o'z ichiga oladi ayaxuaska. Kordovaning taxmin qilishicha, u Xumudan ayaxuaskadan foydalangan holda bunday darslarni taxminan besh yuz marta olgan.[272][273][274] Ushbu ko'rish mashg'ulotlarida Xumu va boshqalar unga Kordova o'simlikni, uning ko'rinishini va xususiyatlarini aniqlayotganda har bir alohida Amazon o'simliklarining o'ziga xos shifobaxsh xususiyatlarini o'rgatdilar - yoki Kordova o'rmonda jismoniy o'simlikni ko'rganidek, yoki Kordova o'simlikni ko'rganida yilda ayaxuaska ko'rish.[275][276]
Xumu qo'shimcha ravishda Kordovaga simptomlarga qanday yondashishni buyurdi: maqsadi bemorning tanasini energiya oqimlari bilan ajralib turadigan unitar maydon sifatida diqqat bilan tushunishdir, bu kasallik yoki kasallik oqimiga to'sqinlik qilish yoki umuman muvozanatni buzish bilan xafa qiladi. Shuning uchun Kordova doimo birinchi darajali e'tiborni qaratgan alomatlar to'g'ridan-to'g'ri kuzatilgan yoki unga bemor tomonidan ta'riflanganidek, kasallik. Kordova ushbu protsedura ilgari surilganligini aytadi ayaxuaska uning ishlatilishi bilan kurandero qodir to'g'ridan-to'g'ri tananing ichida tengdosh tashxis qo'yish uchun bemorning ahvoli va umumiy sog'lig'ini, muayyan organlarning holatini va energiya oqimlarining bir xil muvozanatini baholaydi.[277][278]
Kordovaning so'zlariga ko'ra, u bemorning kasalligi xususida, masalan, uning tanadagi ma'lum bir a'zodagi manbasini tushunib yetgach va tibbiy tashxis qo'yganidan so'ng, uning aqliy qarashida ajoyib hodisa yuz berdi: o'z-o'zidan uning davosi va davosi bilan bog'liq dorivor o'simlikning ko'rinishi.[279][280][281][282] Ushbu tajribani Kordova qo'shimcha izohlamaydi.[283] Ko'p yillar davom etgan Xumu boshlig'i tomonidan olib borilgan qat'iy va intensiv mashg'ulotlariga asoslanib, Kordova Xumu bilimlarini shunga o'xshash narsalar orqali singdirgan bo'lishi mumkin. puxta o'rganish. Antropolog Luis Eduardo Luna buning uchun maxsus, sirli jarayon borligini eslatib o'tadi yuqish Amazon shamanidan shogirdigacha bo'lgan bilimlar. Luna, shuningdek, dorivor o'simlikning jismoniy shakli uning o'ziga xos kasallikka nisbatan davosi sifatida uning xususiyatlarini aniqlashda maslahat berishi mumkinligini ta'kidlaydi.[284] Shunga qaramay, a vegetalista's Ochiq tushuntirish shunchaki tok deb qolmoqda ayaxuaska shifobaxshga qanday dorivor o'simlik eng yaxshi vosita ekanligi to'g'risida bevosita xabar beradi. Agar shunday bo'lsa, bu erda Kordovaning shifobaxsh san'at amaliyotiga xos sir bo'lib qoladi, chunki u zarur protseduraning asosiy elementini tashkil etadi (o'simlikni aniqlash) davolash vositasi), bu zamonaviy tibbiyot fanining tamoyillaridan foydalangan holda aniq, etarli va puxta tushuntirishdan qochishda davom etmoqda.
Tibbiyot fanining konteksti
Amazon o'rmonlarida yashovchi qabilalarning an'anaviy davolovchi san'atlariga odatlangan o'tlar va o'simlik ekstraktlari o'zlarining tibbiy xususiyatlari bilan butun dunyoga tanilgan. Farmatsevtika kompaniyalari ilm-fan uchun ham, ushbu yangi "kashfiyotlarning" zamonaviy tibbiyot amaliyoti uchun ham "ulkan ahamiyatga ega" imkoniyatlar bilan tanishdilar.[287]
"Janubiy Amerikadagi o'rmon qabilalari birinchi bo'lib zamonaviy jarrohlik texnikasi uchun juda muhim bo'lgan kuraradan foydalanishdi. Ko'p turlari rauolfiya bizning tibbiyot odamlari o'ylamasdan asrlar oldin o'rmon shamanlari tomonidan ishlagan trankvilizatorlar. Xinin va boshqalar bezgakka qarshi giyohvand moddalar kelib chiqishi Amazon o'rmonlarida. "[288]
Kordovaning hayoti davomida va hozirgi kungacha davom etayotgan foydali xususiyatlari unchalik ma'lum bo'lmagan yoki kimningdir tibbiy o'simliklari ko'p molekulyar biologiya davolashni amalga oshirishda ozgina tushuniladi. G'arbiy ilmiy tibbiyot va an'anaviy tibbiy davolanish amaliyoti (Amazon, shuningdek,) o'rtasidagi chegara bo'ylab transport Xitoy va of Hindiston ) so'nggi paytlarda juda ko'paygan. Shu nuqtai nazardan, Kordova ko'plab kashshoflardan biri edi.[289]
"Mening davolanish uslubim va kasallikni davolash uchun tabiiy o'simliklardan foydalangan holda Sharqda rivojlangan usullar o'rtasida juda ko'p o'xshashliklar bor. Men yaponlarning amaliyoti xitoyliklarning an'anaviy davolash usullariga juda suyanishini tushunaman. Men amerikalik botanikchilar va farmatsevtika bilan aloqada bo'lganman tergovchilar ham, lekin ... hech narsa evaziga qaytmaydi. "[290][291]
Kordovaning tibbiyot amaliyotiga yondashuvi tanani umuman ishlaydi, kasallik bizni sog'lig'imizga olib keladigan uyg'un energiya oqimini buzadi degan qarashni o'z ichiga olgan. Shunga ko'ra, g'arbiy tibbiyot fanida uning usullari "muqobil" deb nomlanishi mumkin edi. Garchi vegetalista o'simliklarni davolovchi kuchi uchun ishlatadi, o'simlik ham jismoniy, ham ma'naviy o'lchovni o'z ichiga oladi. G'arb tibbiyoti ilgarigi ilmli deb tan olgan bo'lsa, ikkinchisi hattoki kraker deb hisoblanishi mumkin. Shunga ko'ra o'simlik ruhi ayaxuasquero, tovushlarga javob beradi, ayniqsa icarosning qo'shiqlari. Demak, dorivor o'simlik birinchi navbatda tushunganidek uning xususiyatlari orqali harakat qiladi molekulyar biologiya, muqobil ravishda ko'rib chiqilganda ikkinchidan shuningdek, bemorga kuranderoning shifobaxsh energiyasini etkazib beradigan tashuvchi vazifasini ham bajaradi. O'simliklar haqida Kordova shunday deb so'raydi: "Agar men ularga qo'shiq aytmasam, mening davolanishim qanday yaxshi bo'ladi?"[292][293][294][295]
Roman va she'r mavzusi
Roman va uzun she'rdan tashqari (ikkalasi ham quyida muhokama qilinadi), Kordova Yuqori Amazon ustasi 1985 yildagi filmning bilvosita sababi bo'lishi mumkin Zumrad o'rmoni.[296]
Las tres mitades de Ino Moxo
Manuel Kordova-Rios Peru yozuvchisining 1981 yilgi romaniga ilhom berdi Sezar Kalvo Soriano, o'zi Peru Amazonasida tug'ilgan. Iquitos-da nashr etilgan. Ino Moxoning uch yarmi romanning ingliz tiliga tarjimasida sarlavhasi.
Hikoyada yozuvchi Sezar Kalvo va uning xayoliy amakivachchasi Sezar Soriano tomonidan olib borilgan shama Ino Moxo ziyoratlari va Felis Insapillo va Ivanning chiqishlari tasvirlangan. Birinchisi, mintaqadagi boshqa bir qancha shaman-kuranderolar bilan uchrashuvlar bo'lib o'tdi: Don Xuan Testa, Don Xildebrando, Don Xavyer va Xuan Gonsales. Partiya keksa Kordovaning (bu erda Ino Moxo nomi bilan tanilgan) pana joyiga uydirma sayohatini davom ettiradi.[297]
Roman juda real odamlarga asoslangan holda paydo bo'lgan, ammo ular she'riy eposda yashaydigan personajlarga aylangan. Shuning uchun ish ba'zi bir qismlarga kiradi yangi jurnalistika yoki ijodiy badiiy adabiyot. Garchi kitob ko'pincha she'rlar singari o'qilsa-da, ba'zan o'zgaruvchan sub'ektivlik orqali hayoliy sayohatni namoyish etsa ham, Peru tarixidagi voqealar aralashgan. Hikoya haqiqat sifatida shakllangan. O'ndan ortiq aniqlangan fotosuratlar, mahalliy sahnalar va odamlarning portretlari, masalan, Kordova.[298][299]
Ino Moxo kitob muallifi Calvo bilan intervyularida aslida Amazon o'rmonidagi sirli syurreallik hissi haqida bahs yuritadi. U o'zining haqiqatining ichki rivojlanishini uning hayoti rivojlanib borishi bilan tasvirlaydi: Ikitosdagi shaharlik yoshidan tortib, Amazongacha tortib olish, so'ngra qabilaviy hayot tarzini qabul qilish. Bu oxirgi marta ichki-kosmik qayta kalibrlashni o'z ichiga olgan. Amazonning vizyoner in'ikos san'ati mintaqaning o'tmishdagi o'tmishidan reportajlar bilan birlashtirilgan: zo'ravonlik bilan bosib olinish epizodlari va mahalliy qabila jamoalarining vayron bo'lishi rezina bom. Shu tariqa Calvo madaniyatlararo tushunmovchilikning tarixiy kontekstini tasvirlaydi. Shunga qaramay, Ino Moxo, ustozi hurmatli shaman Xumiga ergashib, qarama-qarshiliklarni engib o'tishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. U Amazoniya ekologiyasida o'rnatilgan zamonaviy shahar manzarasini baham ko'radi va muhokama qiladi, shu bilan birga o'rmon sirlari to'g'risida organik bilimlarni rivojlantiradi. Ushbu transsendensiya vositasi labirintda tushunarsiz va uzluksiz bo'lib qoladigan ichki bog'lash va intrasubjective amalga oshirishning xayoliy sohasi.[300][301]
"Manuel Kordovaning haqiqiy dunyosi"
Tomonidan uzun she'r V. S. Mervin (yaqinda Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari shoiri laureati ) Kordovaning qo'lga olinishidan, so'ngra qabilaviy qishloqda yashagan yillaridan boshlab, qaytib kelishi bilan yakunlangan ichki hayoti haqida hisobot beradi.[302] Uning qabila o'g'rilari uni "o'z tushlariga" olib kelishgan, shundan keyin "uning hecalarining hech biri hech qanday sirtga tegmagan".[303] "Birgalikda orzu qilish" mashg'ulotlari darhol shaharning oyoqlariga "o'zlashtirgan musiqa hech qachon eshitilmas, qo'shma orzulardan tashqari" o'rmonda harakatlanishiga yordam beradi.[304]
Boshliq tushni ko'rdi, "o'qituvchisining shivirlashlari va imo-ishoralari uning ko'zlari va quloqlarini o'simliklar va suvlarni hayratga soladigan kuchlarga moslashtirgan edi ...".[305][306] Keyinchalik Kordovaning shaxsi qabilaviy bo'lib qoldi, u "ular bilan birga o'rmondan oqib tushga kirdi ..." va "u boshliq unga o'rgatgan narsaga aylandi ... u tushga yanada kirdi va u bilan birga u bilan birga chiqdi kun va shundan buyon uning atrofida hamma bor edi ... ".[307] Shunda u yolg'iz tushida unga "uning oilasi va uning onasi o'layapti ..." ko'rsatdi. Shunday qilib, u o'rmon qabilasidan qochib qutuldi, qaytib keldi, ammo "onasi o'lganini topdi. hech qachon bo'lmagan ".[308]
Bibliografiya
- Birlamchi
- Manuel Kordova-Rios va F. Bryus Lamb, Yuqori Amazon ustasi (Nyu-York: Atheneum 1971).[309]
- F. Bryus Lamb, Yuqori Amazon ustasi. Manuel Kordova-Riosning hikoyasi (Nyu-York: Atheneum 1971;[310] 2-nashr, Xouston-Mifflin, Boston 1974; 3d ed., Shimoliy Atlantika, Berkli 1974, Endryu Vaylning so'z boshi bilan.
- Shuningdek nashr etilgan: O'g'irlangan boshliq (London: Robert Hale 1972).
- Der weise Indio vom Amazonas (Myunxen: Scherz Verlag 1982).
- Der Magier vom Amazonas (Reinbek bei Gamburg: Rawohlt Taschenbuch Verlag 1985).
- Un brujo del Alto Amazonas. La historia de Manuel Cordova-Rios (Barselona: Polkovnik Terra Incognita 1998).
- La sciamano del Rio della Amazzoni. La storia di Manuel Cordova-Rios (Torino: Edizzioni L'Età dell'Acquerio 2007).
- F. Bryus Lamb, Rio Tigre va undan tashqarida. Manuel Kordovaning Amazon o'rmon tibbiyoti (Berkli: Shimoliy Atlantika 1985).
- Au-Dela du Rio Tigre. "L'istuire" ning favqulodda holati bo'yicha Manuel Kordova-Rios (Parij: Editions du Rocher 1997).
- Río Tigre y más allá. La medicina de la selva del Amazonas de Manuel Cordova (Madrid: Xose de Olañeta 2002).
- F. Bryus Lamb va Manuel Kordova-Rios, Amazon o'rmonida o'g'irlab ketishdi (Berkli: Shimoliy Atlantika 1994).
- Ikkilamchi
- Robert L. Karneyro, "Yuqori Amazonning Ximerasi" 94-98 yillarda, eslatmalar 452-453 yillarda, yilda Richard de Mille, muharriri, Don Xuan hujjatlari (Santa-Barbara: Ross-Erikson 1980, 1981).
- Marlen Dobkin de Rios, [Sharh Yuqori Amazon ustasi] in Amerika antropologi 74/6: 1423–1424 (1972).
- Uillard Jonson, "O'rmondagi eng qiziquvchan hayvonlar", I-xvi-dan Qo'ziga (1985) kirish so'zini o'z ichiga oladi.
- F. Bryus Qo'zichoq "Yuqori Amazon ustasi etnografiya sifatida "deb nomlangan Hozirgi antropologiya 22/5: 577-580 (1981) a.
- F. Bryus Lamb, "Bokning sharhiga sharh Don Xuan hujjatlari"ichida Amerika antropologi 83/3: 641 (1981) b.
- Richard Evans Shultes, [Sharh Yuqori Amazon ustasi] in Iqtisodiy botanika 26: 197-198 (1972 yil aprel).
- Endryu Vayl, V-xii da "Kirish" Yuqori Amazon ustasi (3d nashr, 1974).
- Vaqt jurnal: [Sharh Yuqori Amazon ustasi] 97/10: 82 da (8 mart 1971 yil).
- Uchinchi darajali
- Stefan V. Beyer, O'simliklarga qo'shiq aytish. Yuqori Amazonda metizo shamanizmi uchun qo'llanma (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2009).
- Robert L. Karneyro, "Amaxuaka va ruhiy dunyo" Etnologiya 3: 6–11 (1964).
- Robert L. Karneiro, "Peru Montañasining Amaxuakasi orasida ov qilish va ov qilish sehrlari" Etnologiya 9: 331–341 (1970).
- Robert L. Karneiro, "parvoz nuqtasida nima sodir bo'ldi? Homilaning boshlanishida boshliqning shakllanishi haqidagi taxminlar" 18-42 da, E. Redmondda muharrir, Amerikadagi boshliqlar va boshliqlar (Geynesvil: Florida universiteti nashri 1998).
- Ueyd Devis, Bitta daryo. Amazon yomg'ir o'rmonidagi tadqiqotlar va kashfiyotlar (Nyu-York: Touchstone 1997).
- Richard de Mille, "Etnometodallegiya: sahroda Garfinkeling" 68-90 da, uning tahririda Don Xuan hujjatlari (Santa-Barbara: Ross-Erikson 1980, 1981).
- Marlen Dobkin de Rios, Visionary Vine. Peru Amazonkasida psixedik davolanish (San-Frantsisko: Chandler 1972; qayta nashr etilgan 1984, Waveland Press, Prospect Heights IL, kabi Visionary Vine. Peru Amazonasida gallyutsinogen davolanish.
- Gertruda E. Doul, "Amaxuaka" soat 7: 33-36, Jahon madaniyati ensiklopediyasi, 7-jild: Janubiy Amerika, jild muharriri: Yoxannes Uilbert (Nyu-York: G. K. Xoll 1994).
- Metyu Xaksli va Kornell Kapa, Adan bilan xayrlashish (Nyu-York: Harper va Row 1964). Xaksli: matn; Capa: fotosurat.
- Luis Eduardo Luna va Pablo Sezar Amaringo, Ayaxuaska qarashlari. Peru shamanining diniy ikonografiyasi (Berkli: Shimoliy Atlantika 1991, 1999).
- Nikol Maksvell, Jodugar shifokorning shogirdi. Amazonda dorivor o'simliklar uchun ov qilish (Boston: Houghton Mifflin 1961; qayta nashr: MJF, Nyu-York 1990).
- Terens MakKenna, Arxaik tiklanish (Nyu-York: HarperOne 1991).
- Jonathan Ott, Farmateoon. Entheogen dorilar, ularning o'simlik manbalari va tarixi (Kennewick WA: Natural Products 1993; 2d ed. 1995).
- Richard Evans Shultes va Robert F. Raffauf, Ruh uzumlari. Kolumbiya Amazoniyasidagi erkaklar, ularning o'simliklari va marosimlari (Oracle AZ: Synergetic Press 1992).
- Endryu Vayl, Tabiiy aql (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin 1972).
- Adabiyot
- Sezar Kalvo Soriano, Las tres mitades de Ino Moxo y otros brujos de la Amazonía (Iquitos: Proceso Editores 1981).
- Le tre metà di Ino Moxo e altri maghi berdi (Milano: Feltrinelli 1982).
- Ino Moxoning uch yarmi. Yuqori Amazon sehrgarining ta'limoti (Rochester VT: Ichki an'analar 1995).
- V. S. Mervin, "Manuel Kordovaning haqiqiy dunyosi" uning she'rlar to'plamida Sayohatlar (Nyu-York: Knopf 1994), 96–114-betlar.
Shuningdek qarang
- Sezar Kalvo Soriano
- Luis Eduardo Luna
- Pablo Amaringo
- Metyu Xaksli
- Richard Evans Shultes
- Robert L. Karneyro
- Psixotri viridis
- Banisteriopsis caapi
- Ayaxuaska
- O'simlikshunos
- Vegetalista
- Kurandero
- Ikitos
- Pucallpa
- Ucayali
- Peru Amazonasi
- Tapiche Ohara qo'riqxonasi
- Zumrad o'rmoni
Adabiyotlar va eslatmalar
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 88 da (Moyobamba); 38 yoshda (Iberiya ajdodi).
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995) 152 (Uru), 155 (Arequipa), 163 (Uru, Arequipa) da. Kalvoning bu erda she'riy ijodi namunadir ijodiy badiiy adabiyot.
- ^ Yuqoridagi Kalvodan tashqari, Kordova Ott (1993) tomonidan 242 da, Beyer (2009) tomonidan 159, 175, 198, 302, 329 da metizo sifatida tasvirlangan.
- ^ Qarang: Xaksli va Kapa (1964) 225 da (Ikitos shahrining tarixi).
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 3, 4, 6-7; xxi da xarita.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 1-8, 154-155; xaritani vi.
- ^ Xxi-da qo'zichoq (1971, 3d 1974) (xarita: yo'l olingan Xuni Kui partiya kaucho qishloqqa janub tomon lager Xanada Río Purus manbasi tomonidan).
- ^ Cf., Huxley and Capa (1964) [11] - [12] da: Amazonning yuqori xaritasi, Río Purusning boshlari batafsilroq ko'rsatilgan.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 3-23 da: 8-9 (qo'lga olish); 14-15 (boshliq bilan uchrashadi); 19–22 (marosimlar); 23, 40, 65 (til qobiliyati). Kordovaning hisob-kitobiga asoslanib (1910 yil iyun oyida tuzilgan), uni qo'lga olish sanasi 1907 yilning so'nggi oylariga to'g'ri keladi. Qarang, qo'zichoq (1971, 3d 1974) 109 da.
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 7-12 yoshda; "Buyuk boshliq, Xuma Nava, barcha ruhlarning dominatori, Xuni Kuyining rahbari" 39 yoshda.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 9-23 da: qo'lga olish 12 da; o'rtoq kakero soat 13-14, 16, 17; 20 yoshdagi bolalar; til 22 da.
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995) qayta qo'lga olish va qabila marosimlari: 162-64, 172-73; qarang, 154-55.
- ^ a b Ogohlantirish: Kordova tomonidan hikoya qilingan qismlarning to'g'riligi to'g'risida qiyinchilik tug'dirdi. Quyidagi bo'limga qarang.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) p. 23, n (HK nomi).
- ^ "Huni Kuin (Kaxinava)", identifikatsiya, Fany Pantaleoni Rikardoda, Povos Indígenas no Brasil, 2015 yil 29-iyun kuni. Ism noaniqlikni saqlaydi.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 9, 14, 23, 103 (yalang'och); 9, 78, 153-54, 178, 184 da (ziddiyatli).
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 16 da (ism); soat 11 da, [20] (yalang'och); 8, 12, 15-16 da (ziddiyatli).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 25 yoshda (ismi, tili, dietasi, yalang'och); 17, 88 (yalang'och); 13-14, 70, 123-24, 146 da (ziddiyatli).
- ^ Shultes va Raffauf (1992) 277 da: kuraka "paye yoki dori odamning nomi" sifatida.
- ^ Qarang: Xaksli va Kapa (1964) 123–124, 129–130 (kuraka ichida ishlatilgan Panoan, ya'ni tomonidan Amaxuaka Río Purusning manbasi bilan yashash, lekin "boshliq" ma'nosida).
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 24-27 da.
- ^ Ott (1993) 199-273 yillarda. Ott adabiyoti va tarixi hamda farmakologiyasini keng ko'rib chiqadi ayaxuaska. Ushbu o'rmon uzum o'simlik ekanligi aniqlandi Banisteriopsis caapi. Ott 199-200 da.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 23-40 da (nixi honi yoki ayaxuaska); xvii da (ayaxuaska uzum va yaje [yagé] barglari).
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) soat 12-13, 15 da.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 28, 32, 34-36 da (nixi honi); 28 (birgalikda ko'rishlar).
- ^ Cf., Carneiro (1964) 6-10 da, kuni yoshi yoki "ruhlari" Amaxuaka. Ichishdan keyin ayaxuaska The yoshi tajribali bo'lishi mumkin; "iksir qanchalik kuchli bo'lsa yoshi biri ko'radi "(8 da). Bular yoshi har xil turdagi hayvonlar va o'simliklarning ruhlari, masalan, yaguar, puma, toshbaqa, elektr ilon, anakonda, boa, karrion burgut, tulpor, ularning hammasi "eyishga yaroqsiz" deb hisoblanadi (6-7 da). Demak, Kordova aytganidek, Xuma boshlig'i tomonidan chaqirilgan "hayvonlar paradiga" o'xshash yoki o'xshash. Bir nechta katta va ajoyib daraxtlar ham ifodalaydi yoshi (7 da).
- ^ Karneiro (1970) 341 da, n17 (bitta matn uchun 340), "Amaxuaka ham ichadi. ayaxuaska (Banisteriopsis caapi) ruhiy tasavvurlarni keltirib chiqarish uchun, ammo ularga ov qilishda yordam berish uchun bunday qilmang. "Ammo 339-340-matnda" Ov sehrlari "ni muhokama qilishda Karneyro Amahuakaning ovdagi muvaffaqiyatlarini oshirish uchun har xil giyohvand moddalarni iste'mol qilgani haqida xabar beradi.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 33-36 da (ayaxuaska ovchilik mahoratini oshirish); 42-64 ("ov lageri"); 51, 52-54, 55-56 (yovvoyi cho'chqalar), 29 (Nixi Xuma Vaki "Uzum uzumining ishlab chiqaruvchisi"), 49-51 (Txaxo Anika "Deer [ovchi]"); 87-97 (keyingi qator ayaxuaska Kordovaning o'zi bosh Xumu o'qitadigan mashg'ulotlar).
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 12-16 da.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 65-76 da (ov hikoyalari); 52 (Natakoa), 66 (Avava Xuko), 71 (Avava Toto "Buyuk Yo'lboshchi"), 71-76 (ulg'aygan maymunlar).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 39-57 (ov) da; 59–67 (ov haqidagi hikoyalar).
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 65-76 da (ov hikoyalari); 120-131 (afsonalar), 121, 123 (o'lim), 124-127 (urush), 127-131 (Macari va nixi honi).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 59–67, 99–111.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 132-138 (Navatotoning nikohi), 140 (birinchi bola). In sehrgar kitob, Natakoaning rafiqasi Yavanini Xuaini deb nomlangan.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 105-108 yillarda (Navatotoning nikohi).
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974), 38 yoshida: Guruhda ayaxuaska sessiya "qirg'iylar qo'shig'i" (qirg'iylar uchun icaro) yig'ilgan qabila vakillariga vizyonni taklif qildi harpy burgut Amazon. Hawks "o'rmon haqidagi bilimlarning manbai deb o'ylardi".
- ^ Quyidagi bo'limga qarang: "Haqiqiylik masalasi".
- ^ Lune va Amaringo (1991, 1999) soat 12 da, b.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 87 da (taklif, ovqatlanish, o'qitish), 96 (qo'rquv, 8 kunlik jadval).
- ^ Qo'zi (1985), p. 115. Kordova shunday deb o'yladi Xuni Kui qabilasi dorivor o'simliklardan foydalanishda ustun bo'lganligi sababli, asosan, qabul qilingan ongdagi reaktsiyalarni ayaxuaska".
- ^ Luna va Amaringo (1991, 1999) soat 10, b va 16, b (yagé); 50, n84 (chakruna).
- ^ Ott (1993) 175–176, 218–223: qayta chakruna. Haqida chakruna va yajé o'simlik terminologiyasida Ott tok deb ta'kidlaydi ayaxuaska boshqa nom bilan ham chaqirilgan: yage [yagé, yajé]. Ott (1993), masalan, 199, 232, 233 da. Ammo bu atama yajé boshqalarga ham murojaat qilishi mumkin, chakruna o'simliklar (masalan, Prestoniya amazoniyasi) kimning barglari tez-tez pivo aralashtiriladi ayaxuaska tok. Ott (1993) 220-21; qarang, 218 marta "oco-yajé yoki yajé-uco"." Barg qo'shimchalari ayaxuaska [ba'zan] deyiladi chakruna.... "Direktor orasida chakruna o'simlikning barglari Psixotri viridis. Ott (1993) 175-76 yillarda. "Eng keng tarqalgan ayaxuaska Amazoniya Perudagi aralashma zavodi ... bu Psixotri viridis... sifatida tanilgan chakruna Peruda. "Ott (1993) 219 da." [T] bu erda 38 o'simlik turkumidan 90 dan ortiq turli xil o'simlik turlari bo'lgan. ayaxuaska aralashmalar. "Ott (1993), 221 da.
- ^ Kordova, no raqamidagi ma'lumotnomasida shunchaki "Chacruna or yagé" deb nomlangan turni afzal ko'rdi. 5, ro'yxatiga kiritilgan 81 o'simlik o'simliklari orasida Materia Medica Manuel Kordova-Rios tomonidan 1951 yil, Nyu-York shahrining Astoria kompaniyasi uchun tayyorlangan. 5-sonli "balandligi ikki yoki uch metr bo'lgan kichik daraxt" deb ta'riflanadi va taxminiy ravishda aniqlanadi Psixotri viridis. Qo'zi (1985) 46 (yagé), 178 (ref. No. 5), 120-22 (Astoria Co.) da; 173–211 da (Materia Medica). "Ayaxuaska" refer sifatida keltirilgan. yo'q. 4 (banisteriopsis caapi).
- ^ Shultes va Raffauf (1992) belgilaydilar yajé "qalbning toklari kabi" Banisteriopsis Caapi"bu ularning ta'rifi ayaxuaska (276, 279 da); ular belgilaydilar chakruna sifatida "mahalliy nomi Psixotri viridis (Rubiaceae), g'arbiy Amazonda keng ishlatiladigan caapi qo'shimchasi "(276 da).
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 29-33 da.
- ^ Ichkilikka noto'g'ri tayyorlanish va uni noto'g'ri pishirish ayaxuaska ikkalasi ham xavfli. Qo'zi (1985) 26, 29-30, 177-78.
- ^ McKenna (1991), 119-120-betlar: Kordovaning so'zlariga ko'ra, "uni qanday tayyorlashni" bilish kerak.
- ^ Luna va Amaringo (1991, 1999) soat 16 da, b; qarang, 9, v. Ning faol moddasi chakruna Cordova tomonidan ma'qullandi, Psixotri viridis, sifatida aniqlangan dimetiltripamin (16 da, b).
- ^ Devis (1996) 217 da:
"Shunday qilib qachon yagé ... aralashma o'simliklari bilan birlashtirilib, natijada kuchli sinergetik ta'sir, butunning biokimyoviy versiyasi bo'lib, uning qismlari yig'indisidan katta bo'ladi. [¶] Shultesni hayratda qoldirgan narsa ... Hindlar qanday qilib o'ziga xos va bir-birini to'ldiruvchi kimyoviy xususiyatlarga ega bo'lgan ushbu morfologik jihatdan bir-biriga o'xshamaydigan o'simliklarni aniqlash va birlashtirishni qanday qilib bu murakkab usulda o'rgangan? ... [E] thnobotanistlar hindular dastlab qanday qilib o'z kashfiyotlarini qilganliklari haqida juda kam tasavvurga ega. "
- ^ Qo'zi (1985), 14-bet ("telepatik"), 15 ("donolik" so'zi).
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 87-97 da; 93-95 (ko'rish qobiliyatlari), 97 (bilimlar, o'simliklar va ashula).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) - 77–84.
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 15-betda (o'simliklar); 29 [85, 135] ("ruhlari bilan maslahatlashing ayaxuaska"); 133, 135 (bosh Xumu ashulalar manbai sifatida ishlatilgan, ular ishlatilganda" yarim o'rganilgan, yarim o'z-o'zidan "); 135 (ayaxuaska davolanishni "ko'rsatadi"); 175.
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995) 175 da. Kordova bosh Xumu haqida: "U menga hamma narsadan ko'proq tinglashni o'rgatdi."
- ^ Qarang: Ott (1993) 209 da.
- ^ Qarang: Dobkin de Rios (1972) 131-33, 136-37.
- ^ Beyer (2009), p. 60. Bir o'simlikni o'rganish uchun siz uni "tanangizga olib kiring, u sizni ichingizdan o'rgatsin", shunda siz "uning ruhi paydo bo'lishini kuting ... o'rgating va maslahat bering".
- ^ Ott (1993), 209 yilda Luis E. Luna-ga asoslanib Etnofarmakologiya jurnali 11/2: 123–156 (1984).
- ^ Qarang: Beyer (2009), 65-66 (iqtibos), 65-69 (icaros) da, 66 yoshda (ularning ko'p ishlatilishi, bu erda keltirilgan 29 ta, har biri adabiyotga havola qilingan, masalan, ilon chaqishini davolash, yaxshilik qilish ovchi, yaxshilang ayaxuaska ko'rish, shifo marosimlarini duo qilish, himoya qilish, tug'ilishni engillashtirish, o'simlik ruhlarini chaqirish, uzoq sayyoralarga tashrif buyurish, kasallikni aniqlash).
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 135 da (iqtibos), qarang, 136; 25 da (tirnoq).
- ^ Luna va Amaringo (1991, 1999) soat 13 da, a. Bitta vegetalistaning ta'kidlashicha: «Agar bilsangiz icaro o'simliklardan foydalanish uchun sizga kerak emas. "Luna va Amaringo (1991, 1999) 18 da, a.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) .79 da.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 80–85, tirnoqlari 80 yoshda.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 71-75 yillarda.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 151, 155, 158 (dushman qabilalari) da; 154 da (kaucheros yoki "kauchuk to'sar"); 151 da (sabab ushlangan). Kordova Qo'ziga boshqa jangovor uchrashuvlarni tasvirlab berdi: samarasiz reyd HK qabila qotillariga qarshi (149–153); tomonidan o'lik hujum HK uzoqdagi kauceroslarda (153-154); tomonidan qaytarilgan hujum HK uchta qabila dushmani bilan o'ldirilgan (155).
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 39-40 da (o'g'irlash).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 121–124, 141 da.
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995) xi, 173 (o'g'irlash) da.
- ^ Tomonidan ishlatiladigan jarayon kakero ammo Kordovaga kim o'qitgan bo'lsa, etuk va yovvoyi kauchuk daraxtlarini kesishni talab qildi. Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 101-102 da.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d tahr. 1974) qayta "Indian Caucho" [sakkizinchi bob] 98–119: 99, 101 da (uning kaucho g'oya, tirnoq uning hayajonidan); 100 (o'tkir asboblar); 101-103 da ("daraxtni kesishni" o'z ichiga olgan rezina yig'ish jarayoni).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) qayta "11. Indian Caucho" 85-98, 86-87 da.
- ^ Kordovaning yoshi to'g'risida, ushbu bo'lim oxirida "Kauchuk bilan qabilaviy savdo" ni ko'ring.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d tahr. 1974 yil) 103–105 da (zastavaga transport); 107–110 (sotish va sotib olish); 109 (kalendar); 111–115 (qabila bayrami).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) qayta "11. Indian Caucho" 85-98, 88-95 da.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 108-110 yillarda (Xuaini va Manuelning nikohi), 110 (iqtibos). Keyinchalik, Kordova "Xuaini va boshliq menga bergan ikki yosh qiz do'sti bilan qishloqdan bir necha soat uzoqlikda" (120 yoshda) ekanligini eslatib o'tdi.
- ^ Bu erda Kordovaning yoshi "taxminan 17 yoshda" berilgan. Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 110 yoshda. Boshqa hisob-kitoblarga ko'ra u qo'lga olinganida 19 yoki 20 yoshda edi. Cf., Lamb (1971, 3d ed. 1974) 109 va [201] da.
- ^ Merritt Ruhlen, Dunyo tillari uchun qo'llanma (Stenford universiteti 1987): "Urarina" 371 da, "Amaxuaka" (bilan bog'liq) Xuni Kui376 da. Ulkan "Amerind" tillar oilasiga (366-77 yillarda) kiritilgan oltita yirik til guruhlaridan Urarina "And" guruhida (371-72 yillarda) va Amaxuaka "Ge- Pano-Karib "guruhi (374-77 da).
- ^ Cf., Barbara F. Grimes, muharriri, Etnolog. Dunyo tillari (Dallas: Yozgi tilshunoslik instituti, 1992 yil 12-nashr) 119 da: "Urarina (Shimacu, Itucali)". Urarina "tasniflanmagan" ro'yxatiga kiritilgan; iqtibos keltirgan: Ruhlenning And ro'yxati.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974), 157 da (tirnoq).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 126 da.
- ^ Dobkin de Rios (1972) 1423 yilda.
- ^ Qo'zi (1981) a, 577-78.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 71-76 da. Avava Toto "Buyuk Lider" degan ma'noni anglatadi (71 yoshda).
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 25 da.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 167-68. Avvalroq Kordova o'zini "tranzitlar orqali" bosh Xumining "fikri nazorati ostida" deb taxmin qilgandi. Qo'zi (1971, 1974) 105 yoshda.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 134 da.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d tahr. 1974) 172 da (Honoma-ia); 174, 175-76 (rezina to'sarlarning reydlari); 173–74 (uch HK Rio Tarauaka va o'rtasida joylashgan boshpana lagerlari Xanada); 174-75 (boa va Donowan). Ning "qishloqlari" Xuni Kui ularning "ibtidoiy qishloq xo'jaligi" yonidagi "bir qator kichik o'rmon tozalashlari" edi. Joylar "yangi joylarga ko'chirildi, chunki ikki-uch yillik ishlov berishdan so'ng tuproq tugab qoldi". Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 148 da.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 138, 139-40.
- ^ Cf., Dole (1994) 33, 34 da (re.) Amaxuaka ).
- ^ Qarang: Napoleon A. Chagnon, Ynomamö. Shiddatli odamlar (Nyu-York: Xolt Rinehart va Uinston 1968) 41-43 da. Qabilalararo urush tufayli majburiy ko'chish Amazon havzasida noma'lum emas, ba'zi hududlarda boshqalarnikiga qaraganda ko'proq. Braziliya-Venesuela chegarasi bo'ylab Kobavuning guruhi Ynomamö "o'tgan etmish besh yil ichida o'n oltita katta harakatlarni amalga oshirdi" (taxminan 1890-1965). Ba'zilar ichki bo'linishlar tufayli bo'lsa, kamida beshtasi dushman hujumiga majbur qilingan. Ular yuqoridan o'tib ketishdi Rio Orinoko uch marta. Kobavu Yuqori Bisaasi-terining boshlig'i va uning asosiy manbai bo'lgan Chagnon ma'lumot. Chagnon (1968) 13-16 da. Ushbu kitob tanqidlarga sabab bo'ldi.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d tahr. 1974) xxi (xarita) da, 170 da (tepalik boshlari [daryolar nomi berilgan], «ajratilgan» so'z), 175 («palma daraxti» odamlari), 172 da («o'ldirilgan» so'z). Kordova kelganida Xuni Kui yashagan Xanada (xxi da).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) vi (xarita) da, 137–41 da.
- ^ Amazonka mintaqasiga kelsak, mag'lubiyatga uchragan qabilalar ba'zan ko'proq suzib yuradigan daryolardan uzoqda joylashgan tog'larda "o'zlarining izolyatsiyasi tufayli omon qolishgan". Genri E. Dobins va Pol L. Doughty, Peru. Madaniyat tarixi (Oksford universiteti 1976) 21 da.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 160-64 da.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 129-32.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 163-66 (dafn, ayaxuaska, rezina).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 131-32 (dafn etish), 132-33 (ayaxuaska), 133–34 (kaucho).
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 166-69, 177; Owa Iuxabo 168, 182, 185-86 yillarda.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 134-36.
- ^ Cf., Xaksli va Kapa (1964) 116-18 da nizolarni vositachilik qilish zarurati to'g'risida. Kuzatish Amaxuaka taxminan 50 yil o'tgach, Xaksli (116 da) "o'limning eng muhim sababi, kasallik va baxtsiz hodisadan tashqari, qotillikdir: qasos olish uchun qotillik, qotillik profilaktikasi, rashk uchun qotillik, g'azab uchun qotillik".
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d nashr. 1974) 170-77 yillarda.
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 137-44.
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 1974) 149-50, 178-79 (o'qlar o'qqa tutilgan); 151 da (boshliqning o'g'li o'ldirilgan).
- ^ Qo'zi va Kordova-Rios (1994) 120, 144 (o'qlar), 121 (boshliqning o'g'li o'ldirilgan).
- ^ Qo'zi (1971, 3d 1974) 177-78 da (kaucho savdo), 180–81 (o'q otish, qabila uni qishloqda turishini talab qilmoqda), 182–86 (ayaxuaska alone).
- ^ Lamb and Córdova-Rios (1994) at 142–47.
- ^ Cf., José Jobim, Brazil in the making (New York: Macmillan 1943) at 79.
- ^ Lamb (1971, 3d 1974) at 182–93 (trading post); at 194–200 (Manaus and Iquitos).
- ^ Lamb and Córdova-Ríos (1994) at 145–55.
- ^ Lamb (1971, 3d ed. 1974) at 199–200 ('recent' news of Xuni Kui); at 80 ("our village"); at 199 (credit to chief Xumu).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 15–16, 39–40, 49, 139 (ambivalent); at 39, 95 (never returns); at 70 (dreams); 38, 49, 67, 115 ("Indian captors" or as their "captive"); 39 ("my group of Indians"); at 65–66 (news of Xuni Kui overrunning the kaucho outpost); 38–39 (quote re stay but for assassins); at 139 (quote re chief Xumu's influence).
- ^ Lamb and Córdova-Ríos (1994) at 154 (quote re family ties).
- ^ Cf., Dobkin de Ríos (1972). The reviewer had already published several times on ayaxuaska use in the upper Amazon. She writes:
"Although it was not written as a textbook or scholarly account... this book is nonetheless important to the anthropologist for several reasons. Its approach to hallucinogens and culture is totally original and empirical. It provides us with an account of the daily tropical rain forest life among horticultural groups often missing in the best ethnographic accounts."
- ^ Also commenting favorably on Yuqori Amazon ustasi: Weil (1972) at 106–07, 182–84; Peter Warshall yilda The CoEvolution Quarterly (1972); and Weil (1974).
- ^ Schultes (1972) at 197. Schultes adds that the book was beautifully written.
- ^ Carneiro (1980, 1981) at 94–98.
- ^ The editor de Mille (1980, 1981) at 452, discusses the alternative, ambiguous authorship of Yuqori Amazon ustasi (1971, 1974), in which Lamb (1974) is said to render "Córdoba's random reflections in 'narrative form'."
- ^ The somewhat similar 'claimant' was Karlos Kastaneda (1925–1998). Castaneda largely avoided the public his entire life. He had become famous as the reclusive author of many popular books about his sorcerer protagonist Don Juan Matus of Mexico, books of magical insight and beauty. Eventually, however, Castaneda's representation that his narratives were factual was found lacking in field substantiation, e.g., native language terms, and chronology. A proponent of the sorcerer view, Castaneda was not a healer. He apparently formed a small, semi-clandestine cult of female admirers. Cf., William Patrick Patterson, The Life and Teachings of Carlos Castaneda (Fairfax, California: Arete Communications 2008), e.g., at 22–34, 119–21, 167–74 (fabrication question); 39–52, 105–12 (cult).
- ^ Au contraire, Córdova (1887–1978) might be called a traditional rationalist, who clearly rejected tribal 'sorcery' while continually respecting spirituality. His own published writings consist of his annotated list of medicinal plants from the Amazon region (included in Lamb (1985) at 173–211) In addition, of course, were his life stories written or redacted by Bruce Lamb. Córdova's increasingly public life culminated as a well-known healer and vegetalista in the city of Iquitos.
- ^ Lamb (1971, 3d ed. 1974) at 148, 199. Yet Lamb writes that the collection of tribes referred to as "Amahuaca" has no commonly understood definition. Lamb (1981)b at 641.
- ^ Cf., Calvo (1981; 1995) at 152. Here, the spelling "Amawaka" is used for Amaxuaka. For Calvo the preferred meta-tribal designation is Yora.
- ^ Carneiro (1980, 1981) re chiefs (95–96); villages, clothes, weapons, ceremony, tobacco (96); the dead, cannibalism, myths (97).
- ^ Carlos Alberto Suguín had written "Introducción a la psiquiatría folklórica" in his edited volume, Psiquiatría Folklórica. Shamanes y Curanderos (Lima: Ediciones Ermar 1979). Now head of an institute, he was a former professor at San Marcos University in Lima. Cf. also, Dobkin de Rios (1972) pp. 8, 154.
- ^ In 1965 Seguín and others had started publishing about psychiatry and ayaxuaska among local healers of the Peruvian Amazon. Their focus apparently was "culture-bound illnesses" but "their work is limited" in subject matter and the "ethnobotanical information is scarce, and unfortunately, sometimes inaccurate." Luna and Amaringo (1991, 1999) at p.19, c.
- ^ Carneiro (1980, 1981) at 98, re Carlos Alberto Seguín, Director of the Peruvian Institute of Social-Psychiatric Studies. Seguín's interview occurred several months before the Córdoba died. Prof. Seguín reports that Córdova joked that he might be lying.
- ^ Lamb writes that Córdoba had developed a dislike for those professors who came to Iquitos to pick his brains "in order to return to Lima and proclaim themselves discoverers of the secrets of the Amazon". Lamb (1981)a at 579. Accordingly, a sophisticated professional might perceive an "on guard" Córdoba as being unpleasantly street smart, and jungle wise.
- ^ Carneiro (1980, 1981) at 95 ("While I cannot categorically state that Córdoba's adventure never happened... ."), 97 (tidbit quote). See de Mille's notes at 453 for corresponding pages in Córdova. From the character of his writing Caneiro appears to entertain an animus against both Córdova and Lamb, e.g., he offers us his sardonic speculations on Lamb. Carneiro (1981) at 97–98. Apparently ten years before publication, Lamb had given his starter manuscript to Carneiro for comment; Carneiro rejected it as "jungle fiction". Careiro (1981) at 94–95.
- ^ Cf., Dole (1994); Huxley and Capa (1964) at 242 (Carneiro articles cited). See also Bibliography below.
- ^ de Mille (1980, 1981) at 90 (re Carneiro's career).
- ^ Lamb (1981)a at 579.
- ^ Huxley and Capa (1964) at 19; 242. The "Dole-Carneiro team" apparently conducted their 1960s Amahuaca studies at Puesto Varadero, a military outpost set up by the Army of Peru in 1947, and since 1953 settled by missionaries associated with SIL of Norman, Oklahoma, and later Dallas, Texas, who soon built an airstrip. The local Amahuaca would "come to visit the post" and eventually a tribal village was begun there. Huxley and Capa (1964) at 21, 22–23, 25; 123.
- ^ Merritt Ruhlen, A Guide to the World's Languages (Stanford University 1987) at 376. "Pano-Tacana" languages, including "Amahuaca" in "Panoan" group ("south central").
- ^ Barbara E. Grimes, editor, Ethnologue. Languages of the World (Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12th ed. 1992) at 111. "Amahuaca" listed in "Panoan" group, "south central".
- ^ Beyer (2009) at 227, 302.
- ^ Ott (1993) at 234–37. Among other subjects Ott has written on the pharmacology and culture of ayaxuaska. Yet Ott seems to adopt Carneiro's harsh attitude. It is unclear how much Ott considered it necessary to investigate Yuqori Amazon ustasi (1971) or Rio Tigre va undan tashqarida (1985) [contra: Ott at 242]. Thus Ott goes on to mock and reject wholesale as a useless fiction Córdova's intimate descriptions of ayaxuaska sessiyalar. Ott (1993) at 236; cf., note 8 at 266 (to text at 237).
- ^ Ott (1993) at 242 (quote). [Córdova spent his last years in Iquitos.]
- ^ Lamb relates a different view of his pre-publication dealing with Carneiro: they first met in Pucallpa, where Carneiro requested more details on Córdoba; latter in New York City Lamb tendered him some notes by Córdoba, but Carneiro rejected the account and Córdoba's stories. However, after further study, and considering his long time, first-hand working relationship with Córdoba, Lamb chose to continue the book. Lamb (1981)a at 577.
- ^ de Mille (1980, 1981) at 453. Bruce Lamb talked by telephone to de Mille and also sent him his paper [probably (1981)a] meant for an academic journal. Based on Lamb's paper, de Mille's thought a rejoinder from Carneiro would be "inevitable", yet Carneiro passed.
- ^ Lamb (1981)a at 579: Carneiro discussed a "peripheral group of (so-called) Amahuaca greatly changed by pressure from the outside since Córdoba lived in the area." Carneiro's tribes "some 50 years later" would not have "exactly the same practices as Cordova's people". Lamb (1981)a at 577.
- ^ E.g., cf. the subsequent Camisea Gas Project.
- ^ Dole, "Amahuasca" (1994) at 34 (population reduced from about 9000 at the end of the 19th century to less than 750 at the end of the 20th).
- ^ Carneiro (1970) at 331 (population in 1900 at 6000 to 9000, diminished to less than 500; land controlled once at about 20,000 square miles, in 1970 reduced by 75%).
- ^ Lamb (1981)a at 577.
- ^ See Carneiro (1981) at 95, where he states, "If Córdoba was captured by Indians, it was certainly not by Amahuaca."
- ^ Lamb (1981)b at 641 (quote).
- ^ Lamb (1981)a at 577 (quote).
- ^ Lamb (1985), p. 139. Lamb refers (p. 218, note 1, to his text at p.139) to Constant Tastevin (1926), "Le Haut Tarauaca" in La Géographie: Terre, Air, Mer, vol. 45, pp. 159–175.
- ^ "Huni Kuin (Kaxinawá)" introduction, in Fany Pantaleoni Ricardo, editor-in-chiief, Povos Indígenas no Brasil [Indigenous Peoples of Brazil], per June 29, 2015.
- ^ "Kashinawa" yilda Countries and Their Cultures, June 29, 2015. The Kashinawa (another spelling of Caxinaua) are Pano people who claim to be the Huni Kuin.
- ^ "Huni Kuin (Kaxinawá)", identification [italics added], in Pantaleoni, editor-in-chief, Povos Indígenas no Brasil, per June 29, 2015.
- ^ Lamb (1981)a at 577–79.
- ^ So'z kuraka may derive from the Kechua koraka meaning "an official". It was a title of the Inka 's historic Tahuantinsuyu (imperial state) for a leader from a conquered people who chose to serve the Inca and so became the ruler of a territory. Said to have become almost synonymous with the Spanish cacique. El Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Commentarios Reales de los Incas (Lisboa 1609; 2d volume 1617); as edited by Alain Gheerbrant, Les commentaries royaux, ou l'histoire des Inca de l'Inca Garcilaso de la Vega 1539–1616 (Paris 1959); translated as Inklar (New York: Orion Press 1961; reprint by Avon Books, New York) at 59 text and note 6 at 83; 162.
- ^ Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Historia del Tahuantinsuyu (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos 1988, 2d ed. 1999), pp. 215–222: "curaca".
- ^ Huxley and Capa (1964) at 123, 129, 130, as cited by Lamb (1981)a at 578.
- ^ Cf., Lamb (1981)a at 577: the clan Rondowo (snake people) as a variant of the Donowan (boa people) of the Xuni Kui, mentioned in Córdova and Lamb (1971) at 175 (i.e., Lamb (3d ed. 1974) at 175).
- ^ Cf., Carneiro (1998), e.g., at 21–25, theory re formation of chiefdoms due to conflict with outsiders.
- ^ Cf., Schultes (1972) at 197, about Córdova's 1971 book: "Many experiences and happenings in the story may strain the credulity of all who have not themselves lived amongst Indians in primitive Amazon societies." Yet such cannot directly apply to the writings of Carniero whose understanding of primitive societies achieved a high level of sophistication.
- ^ Carneiro achieved his reputation in anthropological theory, e.g., he expressly admired the "sweep and power" of Gerbert Spenser 's work in cultural evolutionism, rather than a narrow focus on "minute details of cultural history". Robert L. Carneiro, Evolutionism in Cultural Anthropology. A critical history (Boulder: Westview Press 2003) at 6–7.
- ^ Lamb 1981)b at 641.
- ^ Carneiro (1980, 1981) at 95–96.
- ^ Huxley and Capa (1964) at 123–24, and cf., 129–132. Here Huxley sources his information in the unpublished reports of the "Dole-Carneiro" team (details referenced at 242).
- ^ Huxley's abandoned village of Xandia likely corresponds to Córdova's Xanada. Huxley's Iriya, the kuraka ning Amaxuaka tribe, probably would be the same Iriya mentioned by Córdova as possibly the Huni Kuiniki chief about five decades after Xumu. Of two subgroups who then joined, Huxley's Isawo va Shawo are likely Córdova's Xabo va Ixabo. Lamb (1971, 3d ed. 1974) at 172–76, 199–200. Yet according to Córdoba it was chief Xumu who founded Xanada around 1900, while Huxley has Iriya as the founder (approximately 20 to 40 years later). Huxley also does not refer to a tribe called the Xuni Kui.
- ^ Cf., Huxley and Capa (1964) at 132. After having described (at 129–32) the series of attacks suffered by the Amahuaca, launched both by other tribes and by commercial interests (especially during the rezina bom ), Huxley goes on to summarize the resulting, significant changes to the tribe's social structure:
"The Amahuaca diaspora that occurred within the past three centuries transformed their original social organization (inadequate data hint that it was structured upon subgroups and organized by villages) into deeply suspicious, autarchic, single-family units—units quite independent of one another economically and only intermeshing at a few points in their social relationships."
- ^ Luna and Amaringo (1991, 1998) at 19.
- ^ Lamb and Córdova-Ríos (1994) at 2–4 (meeting jaguar); 60–62 (jaguar story); [117] (Ino); 113–18 (jaguar blood in ritual); 146–47 (his jaguar visions).
- ^ Lamb (1971, 3d 1974) at 66–70 (jaguar and anteater); 141–47 (birth ritual using jaguar blood); 185 (jaguar in visions).
- ^ Lamb (1971, 3d ed. 1974) at 157–59.
- ^ Lamb and Córdova-Rios (1994) at 125–127.
- ^ Lamb (1971, 3d 1974) at 158–59 (quote).
- ^ In the book published more than 20 years later: Lamb and Córdova-Rios (1994) at 126.
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995) at 173.
- ^ Cf., Calvo (1981; 1995), in the "Prologue" at xi. There the story is related of how, in order to obtain firearms, chief Ximu planned to kidnap "the son of a rubber collector". After bringing him to the village, Ximu changed Manuel Córdova's name to "Ino Moxo, which means 'Black Panther' in the Amawaka language". This "Prologue" was written by Calvo's fictitious cousin. Cf., K. A. Symington, "Translator's Note" at x.
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995) at 173 (quote).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 16–25 (Lamisto tribe), 24–25 (Córdova's black jaguar); 69–70 (stingers in tracks); 105 (reputation), 106 (predicts).
- ^ See text above and below for reference citations.
- ^ Lamb (1971, 3d ed. 1974) at 65 (HK language).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 49–50 (HK and some related Pano tillari ); at 19, 32, 100, 114 (Kechua and related languages).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 40–41 (forest empathy); at 100 (canoe); at 42–43 (mule trails); also, at 18–19 (Chazúta).
- ^ Lamb (1985), e.g., at 16, 44, 50–51 (pharmaceuticals and plants); 27, 113 (survey guide); 39–40 (rubber trees); 68–72, 79 (farming).
- ^ Lamb and Córdova (1994) at 157.
- ^ F. Bruce Lamb, PhD, was 26 years younger than Córdova. Lamb also wrote several books and numerous articles on forestry in the tropics, based on experience acquired in the Americas (Trinidad, Guatemala, Amazona), West Africa, and southeast Asia (Borneo). Uning asarlari orasida Mahogany of Tropical America: Its ecology and management (University of Michigan 1966) and, as co-author, Yale University School of Forestry Bulletin No. 77 (1970). Cf., Lamb (1971, 3d 1974) at [201]. Lamb (1985) at 129.
- ^ José Jobim, Brazil in the Making (New York: Macmillan 1943) at 79. Comparing it the California gold rush a half-century earlier, Jobim remarks that the Amazon rubber boom "attracted adventurers and enterprising men from all over the world." For better or worse.
- ^ The turmoil generated by the advance of commerce into the Amazon continued throughout Cordova's lifetime. Feuding between members of different tribes generated violence, and isolated tribes fought even the Peruvian army to maintain their forlorn sovereignty. Lamb (1985) at 55–57.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 39, reporting Córdova's views.
- ^ Anthony Smith, Explorers of the Amazon (London: Penguin 1990) at 285–324. The extractive industries sometimes left a trail of cruelty, on occasion of horror. The Peruvian Amazon Rubber Company was started by then villainous Julio César Arana to exploit the Putumayo River valley, disputed land between Peru and Kolumbiya, isolated and unpoliced. Trouble soon began. The company became financed, and then taken over and directed, by a London-based concern which took the name Peruvian Amazon Company, later notorious. Thousands, probably tens of thousands, of Huitoto (Witoto) natives were qullikda to work in rubber collection, and subjected to qiynoq; hundreds perhaps thousands were murdered, many were raped; the tribe's numbers plummeted by perhaps four-fifths. In 1907 a young traveler from the USA, Walter Ernest Hardenburg, discovered and began to expose the company's crimes, and later also Roger Casement, a British official from Ireland. It became a major scandal in the world press. Smith (1990): Arana at 290, 295–296, 305, 312–313, 320–23; London directors at 295, 307, 310–11, 316–19, 323; Hardenburg at 289–90, 296–312, 319–24; Casement at 290–91, 313–23; Press and public opinion: 307–11, 323; Putumayo crimes at 299, 301–02, 316–17, 322–23.
- ^ W. B. Hardenberg, The Putumayo. The Devil's Paradise. Travels in the Peruvian Amazon and an account of the atrocities committed upon the Indians therein (London: T. Fisher Unwin 1912).
- ^ Also on the Putumayo crimes: Davis (1996) at 236–39.
- ^ Alain Gheerbrant, L'Amazone, un géant blessé, coll. "Découvertes Gallimard " (nº 40). Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1988; translated as The Amazon: Past, Present, and Future, "Abrams Discoveries " series (New York: Harry N. Abrams 1992) at pp. 93–95, states that over 40,000 native peoples were killed.
- ^ Cf., Huxley and Capa (1964) on the exploitation of the mid-20th century Amahuaca: text at 149–50, 161–64; photos at 151–60. Regarding the earlier plunder of the Amazon during rubber boom, Huxley (at 129) mentions "conscienceless whites from England and America, Chile and Italy, Germany, Argentina, and the Levant, quite as much as by Amazon Basin locals."
- ^ José Eustasio Rivera, La Vorágine (Bogotá: Cromas 1924). Novel of Colombia which addresses the evils visited on the native peoples of the Amazon by the rubber trade and otherwise.
- ^ Dobkin de Rios (1972) at 51–58. She discusses the misery endured in modern Iquitos by newly arrived forest Indians, often called cholos. Being the poorest, they are distinct from both trigueños (of middle rank), and the elita, these last two groups being metizlar. Although "jungle wise" the cholos have not yet picked up "street smarts". Hence their Indian identity seems to mark them as targets for unscrupulous urban hucksters.
- ^ Cf., Davis (1996), e.g., at 252–53.
- ^ Luis Martín, The Kingdom of the Sun. A short history of Peru (New York: Charles Scribners' Sons 1974) at 83–88: "The mestizo".
- ^ Cf., Luna and Amaringo (1991, 1999) at 16, c ("ribereño").
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 38, 53 (stolen bride, quote); 67–69 (marriage, baptisms).
- ^ One view might consider Córdova's marriage to Nieve Ochoa as his second, i.e., counting first his youthful years with Huaini following a Xuni Kui marosim. Lamb and Córdova-Ríos (1994) at 108–11.
- ^ Lamb (1971, 1974) at [201] (large family).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 68–72 (Áquano Isla); 75 (ten children); 79 (move to city); 85–86 (shared visions).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 80–83, 94.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 30 (as healer); at 67, 75 (wife, second daughter); at 126, 125 (contraceptive).
- ^ Davis (1996) at 377: Cinchona contains quinine, used in treatments against bezgak.
- ^ Lamb (1985): skin at 75; childbirth at 76–77; quote at 75; alcoholism at 60, diabetes at 67–68, epilepsy at 59; lung infection at 83; liver ailment at 84–86.
- ^ Lamb (1985): Manaus at 92; epilepsy and depression at 103, 127, 59, 215; malaria at 104–05; uta at 116; aphrodisiac at 137–38.
- ^ Lamb (1985) chapter "Man of Medicine" at 142–56, miracle quote at 153, doctors criticized for lack of "communication skills" at 142; cf., 162 (re leukemia, cancer)
- ^ Lamb (1985): "presence" quote at 132; patients per month at 163; fees (e.g., circa 1985: 20 Peruvian Tagliklar or one U.S. Dollar) and "satisfaction" quote at 161; "awe" quote at 167. When in his late 70s Córdova "could walk to exhaustion anyone in our timber survey party when we were in the forest." Lamb (1985) at 132.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 87–88. Córdoba said that the vocál had been forced to leave Moyobamba, the city of Córdoba's mother.
- ^ Dobkin de Rios (1972) at 69, 135 (license law in Peru), at 135 (fraudulent healers {who share similarities with "plastic shamans "}).
- ^ Conselho Nacional de Geografia, Atlas do Brasil (Brasília: Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia 1960) at 70 (borracha e latex).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 89–96 (to Manaus [probably about 1950]); at 91–93 (medical doctors); at 65–67 (Cruzeiro de Sul); at 123–24 (lent books, e.g., on anatomy, and on the medicine of Japan).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 94, 122, 124 (commercial plants); at 94, 113, 123 (O'Neil); at 94–97 (collection work); at 120, 121 (date of specimens: about 1961 minus ten years).
- ^ Similar work, in a grander style, was being conducted by Richard Evans Schultes the Garvard etnobotanist in the Colombian Amazon. Starting in 1941 Schultes spent 12 years "collecting some 20 thousand specimens, including three hundred species new to science". Davis (1996) at 22.
- ^ Cf., Schultes and Raffauf (1992) at 12–15.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 95–97 (boat for work); 120–24 (research by Lamb ten years later: alcoholic); quote at 123.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 178–179, re Córdova's Materia Medica, item number five. Tentatively identified as Strychnos va Chododendron tormentosum.
- ^ Schultes and Raffauf (1992) 243–255, at 243–244 (curare quotes). A preferred source of curare is often the Amazon vine Chondrodendron tomentosum which yields the "medicinally valuable d-tubocurarine". Yet curare may also be sourced in other species.
- ^ Davis (1996) at 209–215: review of the medical history regarding curare, and its several known plant sources, e.g., Strychnos toxifera.
- ^ Davis (1996) at 213, 214–15.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 17–18, 48, 97.
- ^ Davis (1996) at 218.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 18, 42–48 (quotes, process); 18, 48, 97–98, 102 (its fumes dangerous).
- ^ Davis (1996) at 217–18, 281.
- ^ Cf., Davis (1996) at 213.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 97–107: Astoria at 97, 101, 103–04, 107; Lamisto 99–101, 106–07; curare production at 101–03; Chazutinos 104–06; synthetic and quote at 107. At different times, Córdova was also asked to collect quantities of other plant extracts for commercial use. Lamb (1985) at 92 (tahuari negro [Peru] or pau d'arco [Brazil]), 97 (oje latex, barbasco root, rotenone), 117 (oje latex, rossewood oil), 153–54 (pau d'arco).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 163–64, at 152–53 (surgeon), at 156 (jurist).
- ^ McKenna (1991), pp. 119; author's visit was in 1976 (p. 118).
- ^ Lamb (1985), e.g., at 30, 77–78, 96–97.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 199 ("frustration in knowing that I have not been able to impart my knowledge to someone who could continue to use it").
- ^ Lamb (1985) at unnumbered page after table of contents, caption: "Manuel Córdova with Murato Indian shaman on Río Shimbillo tributary of the Río Tigre, Peru 1961".
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995) at 233 and 234.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 76 (quote); cf., 161.
- ^ Lamb (1985): transference at 159; confidence, e.g., at 132.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 157–58. "The path of healing can be through the vital properties of unpolluted jungle plants... or any other undiscovered channel. ... The word 'psychosomatic,' as commonly used, hardly scratches the surface when it comes to a healer like Córdova."
- ^ Cf., Dobkin de Rios (1972) at 133–40: quote at 134; cf., 137. Here de Rios states that, in general, "shaman" healing practice often is more psychological than physical, and so employs suggestion and authoritative counseling rather than medicine as understood by modern science. Yet she also mentions the array of herbal remedies available which have known medical properties, i.e., "the rich pharmacopoeia" (at 135).
- ^ Lamb (1985), p. 140 (quote). Fr. Tastevin traveled in the Brazilian Amazon, on the upper Río Tarauacá in the 1920s ("shortly after Córdova's escape from the area"), and "spent time with the Huni Kui (whom he and others sometimes call the Caxinaua as well as Amahuaca)". Lamb continued, "Father Tastevin comments on the extraordinary knowledge of the medical properties of the forest flora possessed by these Indians", and then quotes him. Among those holding in high esteem the Amazon tribal cultures for their herbal knowledge, Lamb also mentions the anthropologist Klod Levi-Strauss and the botanist Richard Evans Shultes. Lamb (1985) pp. 139–140.
- ^ Constant Tastevin (1926), "Le Haut Tarauaca" in La Géographie: Terre, Air, Mer, vol. 45, pp. 159–175; reference given by Lamb (1985), p. 218, n1 (to text at p.139).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 115.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 147.
- ^ Lamb (1985): his method (at 84–86, 136, 160), diet (118–19); Córdova eventually stopped his use of ayaxuaska (at 84, 131, 145, 159, and see section "Ayahuasca: diagnosis, remedy").
- ^ Johnson (1985), pp. vii–viii: discussing Córdova's method.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 151–52, 163; cf., 127–28.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 136, 160 (rational procedures); at 93, 139, 164 (debt to chief Xumu).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 16, 31–32, 34–35, 78, 114–15 (anti-sorcery cautionary tales). "I counselled [the Lamisto] against the practice of sorcery and witchcraft. Telling them that this wickedness always resulted in bringing attacks of vengeance and reprisal, [particularly on] the practicing brujo or witch... . Much better I told them to live at peace with your neighbors... ." Lamb (1985) at 107. Especially in a multitribal context, sorcery could draw a violent reply.
- ^ Luna and Amaringo (1991, 1999) at 13, b to 14, b and 13, n6. Magical darts (virotes) may be thrown at the vegetalista who attempts to heal a person suffering from a sorcerer's curse. Also described here, in regard to preserving one's health, is a tribal belief in five souls of each human being.
- ^ Cf., Dobkin de Rios (1972) at 77, 79–82 (illness caused by demons); 85–86, 87–88, 92–97 (illness due to witchcraft).
- ^ Lamb (1971, 3d ed. 1974) at 169 (thorn sucked out).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 58 (thorn by "sleight-of-hand").
- ^ Cf., Luna and Amaringo (1991, 1999) at 18, b and 18, n12: an ayahuasquero might provide a patient with the arkana (defenses), i.e., protection "so that no evil penetrates him. It may be an animal spirit, a power song, or an invisible garment".
- ^ Lamb (1985), e.g., chief Izidoro of the Tikuna (43–48); chief Huanichi of the Capanahua (58–61); kuraka Santos of the Secoya (114–15).
- ^ Cf., Maxwell (1961, 1990) at 8, where she writes:
"Medicine is magic; magic is a witchdoctor's business. ... Who wants to muscle in on the territory of the man who controls demons that cause sickness, the man who with an incantation and a gesture of the hand can send lightning to strike wherever he wishes."
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 133–136.
- ^ Cf., Beyer (2009) at 205–78, discussing ayaxuaska; at 148–157 regarding its use in healing.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 18–25, 105.
- ^ Cf., Schultes and Raffauf (1992) at 64–91: 22 photographs taken between 1941–1961 of shamans ("payés") of the Colombian Amazon and their apprentices.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 127 (quote); cf., 135.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 132 ("Córdova was a famous curandero-ayahuasquero, a visionary healer, in Peru, especially in his own Amazon territory east of the Andes"); e.g., at 15 (speculations by Córdova on the source and origin of his useful knowledge of ayaxuaska); at 167 (obscure biological reasons, "redundant or standby sub-systems"); at 133 ("Their belief was that animals... taught them in visions the secret of the forest").
- ^ Luna and Amaringo (1991, 1999) at 134, n180. According to some folk beliefs, "when a shaman transforms himself into an animal he is living again the initial mythical conditions in which men and animals were on the same level, and transformations from one form to the other was easy". E.g., a shaman might be able to "turn into a jaguar".
- ^ Dobkin de Rios (1972) at 118–20 re the supernatural: "The mother spirit of ayahuasca may transform herself into an animate creature such as a princess, a queen, or any one of many different fantasy forms."
- ^ Cf., Calvo (1981; 1995) at 139 ("Much of the wisdom of Maestro Ino Moxo has come to him from master to master... in astral voyages of ayawaskha, from the time of the Inkas, and even before: from the Urus").
- ^ Luna and Amaringo (1991, 1999) at 12, b-c. Also, the authors mention a heterodox religious movement, Santo Daime, which arose around the urban ayaxuaska experience, and is today found in major cities of Brazil (at 10, n2).
- ^ Cf., Ott (1993), who reviews ayaxuaska and related literature, including its ritual use in the history of religions. At 200–204 (257–60 notes), and 331–34 (344–48 notes), Ott addresses the Soma ning Hindu Vedalar, and the similar Haoma ning Zardushtiylik Avesta, among the probable entheogenlar used by the ancients in religions practice, also referring to Yahudiylik (at 333). Ott's review is wide-ranging, and includes (at 228, 243) mention of a small contemporary Christian church started in Rio Branco, a city of the Brazilian Amazon, which church currently reveres ayaxuaska use as Santo Daime, taken especially three times a year.
- ^ Cf., Beyer (2009) at 289–90, 292, 368–70, regarding Santo Daime. Founded by an Afro-Brazilian, Irineu Serra, in the 1920s near the Peruvian border, its heterodox Christian beliefs include taking ayaxuaska as a sacrament while singing hymns composed by Irineu. This church has a small following across South America and in Europe.
- ^ Lamb (1971, 3d 1974) at 97.
- ^ Lamb and Córdova (1994) at 84.
- ^ Lamb (1985) re icaros: at 158, 165 (per making extracts); at 133, 136 (per visions).
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995) at 140 ("[ayahuasqueros] are so careful about curing plants, ... gathering from the air the appropriate icaros, and giving power to those remedies").
- ^ Beyer (2009) at 67 (healing power of icaros); 174–75 (singing to plants increases their curative power).
- ^ Córdova's singing while making his plant extracts is analogous to what Karl Jung found about the psychology of the medieval "drugist and apothecary ". Their "knowledge of the techniques" used in making their medicinal preparations was informed by "Gnostic philosophical speculations" regarding hidden forces in nature. Carl Jung, "Der Geist Mercurius" in Eranos Jahrbuch 1942 (Zürich), translated as "The Spirit Mercurius" in Alchemical Studies [CW, v.13] (Princeton University: Bollingen series 1967, 1983) 191–250, at 204–05.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 85–86, 158.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 29, 85–86, 145 (ayaxuaska use in diagnosis); at 84, 152, 158 (ayaxuaska no longer needed for diagnosis); at 167 (Córdova's speculation on how ayaxuaska works biologically). Lamb met Córdova after he had stopped taking ayaxuaska, hence Lamb could not experienced the drinking of the brew under his guidance—so Lamb reluctantly decided not to take ayaxuaska, the vision vine. Lamb (1985) at 131 (Lamb not), 158 (Lamb not), 129 (Lamb's vision without it); 26, 135 (guide necessary); 26, 29–30, 133 (careful preparation necessary).
- ^ Cf., Maxwell (1961, 1990) at 272–74, 275, 276. The author here describer her not altogether voluntary avoidance of an ayaxuaska experience.
- ^ Cf., Davis (1996) at 189–94 (au contraire).
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 134 ("over 500 times"); cf., 136 ("seven years of apprenticeship and over 50 years of experience").
- ^ Schultes and Raffauf (1992) at 20–31. Ning ilmiy nomi ayaxuaska vine is Banisteriopsis caapi (at 22, 26). B. caapi when brewed for consumption is often mixed with a chakruna or plant additive, such as psychotria viridis (at 31).
- ^ Ott (1993) at 210–12, 438. The active ingredient in the Banisteriopsis species, especially B. caapi (ya'ni, ayaxuaska), is zararli, shu qatorda; shu bilan birga garmalin and others compounds. Cf., Ott (1993) at 223–24, 175–76. Bilan ayaxuaska Córdova regularly mixed in additives (known as the chakruna); he preferred to use psychotria viridis whose active ingredient is dimetiltripamin (DMT).
- ^ Lamb (1971; 3d ed 1974) at 97.
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 134:
."The old chief [Xumu] and the others of the tribe emphasized... that I was to be their tribal healer. Each one of them attempted to transfer his individual knowledge of plants to me both during the vision sessions and afterward when we were in the forest together. With the heightened sense perception that came from taking the extract of the vision vine [ayaxuaska], I was able to observe and perceive qualities of plants entirely obscure to the unprepared observer. ¶ ... I received from the Huni Kui a true transmission... . Now I am able to produce results... with the many medicinal plants... ."
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 127–28, 133–34, 157, 160 (energy fields of the body); at 136 (Córdova's method with patients); at 61, 85 (ayaxuaska allows one to see into another's body).
- ^ Beyer (2009) at 178: Ayaxuaska allows its user to see inside the body of another, "the skeleton, brain, organs, or intestines of the patient".
- ^ Lamb (1985) at 85; cf., 29.
- ^ Davis (1996) at 216: "The curandero takes yagé to qarang the proper herb or herbs the sick man needs." Davis comments that "Schultes was not sure what to make of this" but came to realize that "the healer embraced yagé both as visionary medium and as teacher. The plant made the diagnosis. It was a living being... ."
- ^ Cf., Beyer (2009) at 178–79. The curandero relies on several sources for his diagnoses, among them being ayaxuaska va to'g'ridan-to'g'ri davolanish usullari, shu jumladan "qanday o'simliklarni tayyorlash" haqida ma'lumot berishlari mumkin bo'lgan turli xil ruhlar, shu jumladan o'simlik ruhlari.
- ^ Luna va Amarindo (1991, 1999) soat 12 da, v. Vegetalistalar "ba'zi o'simlik o'qituvchilaridan shifo qobiliyatlari va kuchlarini olish uchun da'vo qilish - ko'pincha psixoaktivlar - a madre (ona) [iqtibos]. Bilim, xususan tibbiy bilimlar o'simliklarning o'zidan kelib chiqadi ".
- ^ Ehtimol sirli hodisa sifatida bundan mustasno, yuqoridagi "Qabilalar ma'naviyatining ko'rinishi" bo'limiga qarang. Aks holda, qarang: qo'zichoq (1985) 154 da (ekspluatatsiya); 167 da (ustozning maslahati).
- ^ Luna va Amaringo (1991, 1999) 15, c-16, a va 9-yozuv (translyatsiya, ehtimol biroz o'xshash) Dharma uzatish ); 17 da, b (o'simlik shakli). Ammo tibbiyot ilmi nuqtai nazaridan o'simlik shaklining kasallik davosi bilan birlashishi o'zboshimchalik bilan ko'rinishi mumkin. Bu erda Luna ham aytgan (18, b da): o'simlik icaro (sirli qo'shiq) vizual dizayn sifatida navbatma-navbat berilishi yoki qabul qilinishi mumkin; ushbu assotsiatsiya tomonidan tasdiqlangan deb tushunilishi mumkin musiqaning matematik tabiati va analitik geometriya.
- ^ Xinin sintez qilingan Vudvord (fotosuratda ko'rsatilgan) va W. E. Doering 1944 yilda.
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 151-52 da.
- ^ Qarang: Devis (1996) 170 da (xinin), qarang, masalan, 202 (sangre de drago), 212–13 (kurare).
- ^ Maksvell (1961, 1990) soat 3 da.
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 157-58 da ("energetika tibbiyoti").
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 123-24 da, Kordovaning so'zlarini keltirmoqda. Bu erda Kordova tibbiyot dunyosidagi mavqeini tushunishini ochib beradi. Bu erda, shuningdek, g'arbiy tijorat ilmi bilan ma'lumot almashishdagi (masalan, 120-22 yillarda) uning umidsizlik tajribasi bayon etilgan. Qarang: yuqoridagi bo'lim "Nueva York uchun namunalar".
- ^ Boshqa amerikalik botanikchilar, masalan, Garvard universiteti xodimi Richard Evans Shultes, Amazon o'simliklarida topilgan tibbiy xususiyatlar va ularni o'rganish va o'simliklarni davolash bo'yicha Amazon amaliyotchilariga juda minnatdor. Shultes "zamonaviy etnobotaniyaning otasi" sifatida nishonlanadi. 1939 yildan keyingi o'n yilliklar ichida Shultes Kolumbiyaning Amazonka mintaqasida, Kordovadan shimolda dala ishlarini olib bordi. Ikkalasi hech qachon uchrashmagan. Qarang: Shultes va Raffauf (1992) 1-3, 4-15, 274-75; 1 da ("ota" so'zi).
- ^ Qo'zi (1985) 127-28, 133-34, 157, 160 ("energetika tibbiyoti") da; 165 da (tirnoq).
- ^ Beyer (2009) 174-75 da (o'simlik ruhlari va icaros).
- ^ Luna va Amaringo (1991, 1999) 33-34 da (o'simlik ruhlari).
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995), 211 da Don Manuel Kordovaning so'zlaridan iqtibos keltirgan holda: "Men [o'simliklarni] o'simlikning tozaligi va ishonchini o'zgartirmasdan, shunchaki tayyorlayman. ... Dori-darmonlarimizga beradigan narsamiz muhabbat .... .. Biz o'simliklarning onalarini uyg'otdik. "
- ^ Qarang: Ott (1993) 234 da.
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995), masalan, xi-xii, 74, 82, 217 da (ziyorat ziyofati [NB: Kalvoning ukasi ham Ivan deb nomlangan]). Qarang: K. A. Symingtonning "Tarjimonning eslatmasi", ix-x da Sezar ismli ikki qarindoshi haqida. Boshqa shamanlarga tashriflar ikkita ochilish qismida sodir bo'ladi: I. VISIONS (7-51) va II. SAYOHAT (53–147). Ino Maxo Muqaddimada (1-6) va yakunlovchi qismlarda uchraydi: III. INO MOXO (149-204) va IV. UYGANISH (205-20), shuningdek vaqti-vaqti bilan boshqa joylarda eslatib o'tilgan. Ko'rinishlar orasida: Xuan Gonsales qamoqda (22); Xoxate (68, [165-68]); Félix Insapillo o'rmonda yutqazdi (75-79); Ivan "turli xil irodalar bilan" (121).
- ^ Calvo (1981; 1995): The kursiv 153-154, 156-57, 160-61, 165-68 va 170-71 yillarda (tarix sahnalari); The kursiv 181-82, 187-89, 192-95, 195 va 198 yillarda (xayoliy hozirgi [haqiqiy abadiy]); 149–220 da [emas kursiv] (Ino Moxo bilan suhbatlar); 221-36 da (fotosuratlar, Don Manuel Kordova (Ino Moxo) 233 va 234 da.
- ^ Calvo o'z rivoyatida bir nechta she'rlarni, masalan, Kechua "Wywa Suaq Tusuynin" ("Qoramol o'g'risi raqsi") Isidro Kondoriga boshqa shoir Luis Nieto aytganiga tegishli. Calvo (1981; 1995) 41-43 da. Shaman Don Xavyer ham o'zini o'zi kuzatib boradi cajón, qo'shiq aytadi a landó dengiz bo'yidagi tuyg'u bilan saudade. Bu landó Kalvo va afro-perulik qo'shiqchi tomonidan yaratilgan "Mariya Lando" qo'shig'iga o'xshash ko'rinadi Chabuka Granda. Ammo bu erda qo'shiqni "Karmela Lando" deb nomlash yaxshiroqdir. Calvo (1981; 1995) 119-20 da.
- ^ Qarang: Calvo (1981; 1995), masalan, 157-58 da (xotira va vaqt); 176 da (tirik so'zlar); 191, 202 (ko'rinmaslik uchun o'tgan icaros, vaqtni qaytarish uchun hozirgi icaros); 217 da (tush ichida orzu); 218-219 yillarda ("tush haqiqatini o'zgartirmang").
- ^ Kalvoning romani 1995 yilda nashr etilgan Kennet A. Symington tomonidan ingliz tiliga tarjima qilingan. Bibliografiyaga qarang.
- ^ Mervinning she'ri uning 1994 yilgi to'plamida nashr etilgan. Bibliografiyaga qarang.
- ^ Merwin (1994) 96, 97 da.
- ^ Mervin (1940) 99 yoshda.
- ^ Mervin (1994) 101 da.
- ^ Qarang: Luna va Amaringo (1991, 1999) 43 matnda va 43, n69. "Birgalikdagi tasavvurlar" va da'vo qilingan "boshqalarning tasavvurlarini" ko'rish "qobiliyatini muhokama qilish ayaxuaska, masalan, yo'riqnomani tinglash paytida. Mualliflar metazoning eklektik madaniyati uchun umumiy bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan "Amazon kosmologiyasi, Evropa folklor va ezoterizm, zamonaviy metafizika va kollektiv arxetiplarning noyob aralashmasi" ni ta'kidlashadi. vegetalistalarva shuning uchun vahiylarni muvofiqlashtirishga yordam bering.
- ^ Merwin (1994) 102 da.
- ^ Merwin (1994) 110, 116 da.
- ^ Quyiga qarang: Qo'zi (1971, 1974).
- ^ Dastlab qisqartirilgan sarlavha va ikkita muallif bilan nashr etilgan, keyinroq uzunroq nom va yakka muallif bilan. Qarang: Carneiro [per de Mille] (1981), p. 452.
Tashqi havolalar
Bob Korbett, Yuqori Amazon ustasi. Manuel Kordova Riosning hikoyasi [kitoblarni ko'rib chiqish].
